r 


m 


EECOLLECTIONS 

OF 

A    MILITAEY    LIFE 


EECOLLBCTIONS 


OF 


A    MILITAEY    LIFE 


BY 

GENERAL   SIR  JOHN  ADYE,   G.C.B.,  R.A. 


LONDON 

SMITH,  ELDER,   &  CO.,   15  WATERLOO  PLACE 

1895 

All    rights    reserved 


StacR 
Annex 


fix 

INTEODUCTION 


HAVING  SERVED  for  many  years  in  the  Eoyal 
Artillery,  and  taken  part  in  some  of  the  campaigns 
in  which  the  British  army  has  been  engaged  during 
my  period  of  service,  I  am  in  hopes  that  my 
recollections  may  be  of  some  interest,  and  my  views 
on  military  subjects  worthy  of  record ;  and  I  there- 
fore publish  them,  dedicating  my  book  to  the 
Officers  and  Men  of  the  Regiment  amongst  whom  I 
have  passed  my  career. 

1895. 


CONTENTS 


I.     DAYS  OF  PEACE 1 

II.     COMMENCEMENT  OF  CRIMEAN  WAR — INTERVIEW  WITH 

NAPOLEON  III.  AT  PARIS 10 

III.  BATTLE  OF  ALMA 23 

IV.  THE  FLANK  MARCH 34 

V.     BATTLE  OF  BALACLAVA 44 

VI.    BATTLE  OF  INKERMAN 55 

VII.    THE  WINTER  OF  1854 66 

VIII.     BOMBARDMENT  OF  APRIL,  1855 78 

IX.     CAPTURE  OF  THB  MAMELON  AND  QUARRIES — INTERVIEW 

WITH  GENERAL  PELISSIER 87 

X.     BATTLE  OF  JUNE  18,  AND  DEATH  OF  LORD  RAGLAN   .  96 

XI.     BATTLE  OF  CHERNAYA  AND  THE  FALL  OF   SEBASTOPOL  106 

XII.     THE  INDIAN  MUTINY        . 121 

XIII.     THE  BATTLES  AT  CAWNPORE 129 

XIV.     CAUSES  OF  THE  MUTINY,  AND  POLICY  OF  LORD  CANNING  147 

XV.    RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE  MADRAS  PRESIDENCY       .        .  171 

XVI.    RETURN  TO  BENGAL — AMALGAMATION  OF  THE  ARTILLERY 

REGIMENTS     . 180 

XVII.     FRONTIER  CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  AFGHAN  MOUNTAINS — ITS 

ORIGIN— POLITICAL  AND  MILITARY  DIFFICULTIES  185 


Vlii          RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY    LIFE 

CHAPTER  TAGE 

XVIII.     HARD  FIGHTING  IN  THE  MOUNTAINS  ....    195 
XIX.     POLITICAL  COMPLICATIONS — END  OF  THE  WAR       .     .     205 

XX.  VISIT  TO  PESHAWUR — SIR  HUGH  ROSE  RETURNS  TO 
ENGLAND — SIR  WILLIAM  MANSFIELD  APPOINTED  COM- 
MANDER-IN-CHIEF  221 

XXI.    THE  WAR  IN  BOOTAN 230 

XXII.  FAREWELL  TO  INDIA — RETURN  TO  REGIMENTAL  DUTY 
AT  WOOLWICH — APPOINTED  DIRECTOR  OF  ARTIL- 
LERY— WAR  OFFICE  ORGANISATION  .  .  .  239 

XXIII.  SHORT  SERVICE  AND  RESERVE 254 

XXIV.  LOCALISATION  AND   COUNTY   REGIMENTS — INTERVIEW 

WITH  NAPOLEON  III 265 

XXV.     VISIT  TO  THE  CRIMEA  WITH  CHARLES  GORDON,  1872 

— REPORT  ON  THE  CEMETERIES 273 

XXVI.  RIFLED  ORDNANCE  AND  NAVAL  AND  MILITARY  RE- 
SERVES— APPOINTED  GOVERNOR,  ROYAL  MILITARY 
ACADEMY — THE  BRITISH  ARMY  IN  1875  .  .  284 

XXVII.     CENTRAL  ASIA  AND  THE  AFGHAN  WAR  OF  1878-79  .     300 

XXVIII.  APPOINTED  SURVEYOR  GENERAL  OF  THE  ORDNANCE — 
PRINCIPLES  OF  ARMY  PROMOTION — EGYPTIAN  WAR 
OF  1882 322 

XXIX.  GIBRALTAR — ITS  VALUE  FROM  A  NAVAL  AND  COMMER- 
CIAL POINT  OF  VIEW — ZOBEHR  PASHA  A  STATE 
PRISONER — SANITARY  CONDITION  OF  GIBRALTAR  359 


LIST   OF   ZLLUSTEATIONS 


FULL-PAGE   ILLUSTRATIONS 

HEAD   QUARTERS,   CRIMEA,  WINTER  OF   1854.    FARM 

HOUSE  IN  WHICH  LORD  RAGLAN  DIED  .        .        .      Frontispiece 

BATTLE  OF  ALMA,  SEPTEMBER  20,  1854  .        .        .     .  To  face  p.    28 

BALACLAVA.     SCENE  OF  LIGHT  CAVALRY  CHARGE,  OC- 
TOBER 25,  1854 „  46 

THE    GARRISON    OF   LUCKNOW    RETURNING  TO  CAWN- 

PORE,  NOVEMBER  1857 „          143 

GOING  TO  THE  WAR.     CROSSING  THE  INDUS  AT  ATTOCK, 

NOVEMBER  1863     .        .        .        .'.''.'      .        .          „          207 

AFGHAN  FRONTIER  CAMPAIGN.     STORMING  THE  CONICAL 

PEAK,  DECEMBER  1863  .        .        .        .  •      .        .          „          213 

SKETCH  MAP  TO  ILLUSTRATE  TOUR  IN  BOOTAN,  JANUARY 

1866  .        .        ........        .     .          „          234 

WAR  IN  BOOTAN,  1866.     OUTPOST  IN  VALLEY  OF  THE 

CHINCHU    .        .  .     *        .        „'  .        .     .          „          238 

RUINS  OF  THE  TUILERIES,  NOVEMBER  1872.    LlBERTE 

— EGALITE — FRATERNITE „          282 

EVE    OF   TEL-EL-KEBIR.     ENCAMPMENT    OF    BRITISH 

ARMY  AT  KASSASSIN  LOCK         .        ....          „          346 

GIBRALTAR  FROM  QUEEN  OF  SPAIN'S  CHAIR         ...       .          „          361 
ZOBEHR  PASHA          .        .-"..'.-     .        .  373 


RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE 


ILLUSTRATIONS   IN   TEXT 

PAGE 

DIAGRAM  OF  FRENCH  AND  ENGLISH  ARMIES   ....  20 

FORMATION  OF  LIGHT  BRIGADE  UNDER  THE  EARL  OF  CARDIGAN  48 

PLAN  OF  CAWNPORE,  TO  ILLUSTRATE  BATTLE  OF  NOVEMBER  27, 

1857 136 

DUTCH  MONUMENTAL  INSCRIPTION 175 

SKETCH  MAP  OF  NORTH-WEST  FRONTIER 186 

COPY  OF  SKETCH  BY  NAPOLEON  III 269 

SKETCH  MAP  TO  ILLUSTRATE  BATTLE  OF  TEL-EL-KEBIR        .     .  345 

VISITING  CARD  OF  ARABI  PASHA  FOUND  AT  TEL-EL-KEBIR.        .  356 

ARMS  OF  GIBRALTAR .  359 

MAPS 
BATTLE  OF  ALMA To  face  p.    25 

SKETCH     SHOWING    THE    POSITION    OF    THE    ALLIED 

ARMIES  BEFORE  SEBASTOPOL,  OCTOBER  1854         .          „  39 

SKETCH  TO  ILLUSTRATE  THE  BATTLE  OF  INKERMAN  52 


RECOLLECTIONS 

OF 

A    MILITAEY    LIFE 

CHAPTEE    I 

DAYS   OF   PEACE 

1  Wakening  the  echoes  of  joya  long  fled.' 

IN  recording  personal  recollections  of  the  varied 
scenes  and  events  in  which,  during  a  long  military 
service,  it  has  been  my  lot  to  take  part,  it  is 
scarcely  necessary  to  enter  into  family  details,  and  I 
will  therefore  merely  state  that  my  grandfather, 
Stephen  Payne  Adye,  entered  the  Eoyal  Artillery  in 
1762,  and  served  in  the  war  in  Germany  and  in 
America;  and  since  that  date  various  members  of 
the  family  have  served  in  uninterrupted  succession 
in  the  regiment  down  to  the  present  day. 

Of  his  four  sons,  three  became  officers  of  artillery. 
The  eldest,  Ealph  Willett  Adye,  was  the  author  of 

B 


2  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE          1804 

the  '  Pocket  Gunner,'  which  was  a  standard  book  of 
reference  for  many  years.  He  died  at  Gibraltar  in 
1804,  and  his  monument  still  exists  there,  in  the 
so-called  Trafalgar  Cemetery. 

The  second  son,  Stephen  Gallwey  Adye,  saw 
much  active  service.  He  was  with  Sir  Ealph  Aber- 
cromby  in  Egypt  in  1801,  and  was  slightly  wounded 
in  action  near  Alexandria.  He  was  also  at  Wal- 
cheren  in  1809,  at  Cadiz  in  1813,  and  at  Quatre 
Bras  and  Waterloo.  He  died  a  Major  General  and 
Superintendent  of  the  Laboratory,  Woolwich  Arsenal, 
in  1838. 

The  third  son,  John  Miller  Adye,  was  an  officer 
in  the  Eoyal  Navy.  He  served  as  a  Lieutenant  in 
Lord  Nelson's  flagship,  the  '  Vanguard,'  at  the  battle 
of  the  Nile,  and  was  wounded.  In  1815  he  was  in 
command  of  the  '  Partridge  '  corvette  cruising  off  the 
Island  of  Elba,  and  conveyed  Sir  Neil  Campbell  (who 
was  British  Commissioner  there)  to  Leghorn  in 
February.  Sir  Neil,  having  received  information 
that  Napoleon  intended  to  escape,  returned  hastily 
to  Elba,  but  owing  to  light  winds  was  delayed,  and 
only  arrived  on  the  morning  of  February  28th  to 
find  that  Napoleon  had  left  on  the  night  of  the 
26th.  The  '  Partridge '  went  in  pursuit  towards  the 
Antibes,  but,  it  being  uncertain  to  what  part  of  the 
coast  he  had  sailed,  failed  to  overtake  him.1 

1  Napoleon  at  Elba,  Sir  Neil  Campbell. 


1834  NOMINATION   TO   A   CADETSHIP  3 

The  fourth  son,  James  Pattison  Adye  (my  father), 
was  also  in  the  Artillery,  and  was  present  at  Copen- 
hagen in  1806,  and  served  for  several  years  in  the 
Mediterranean. 

In  1834  I  received  a  nomination  to  a  cadetship 
at  the  Eoyal  Military  Academy  Woolwich  from  the 
Master  General  of  the  Ordnance,  Sir  James  Kempt, 
and  went  up  for  examination  in  February,  at  the  age 
of  fourteen.  There  was  no  competition  fortunately 
in  those  days,  and  the  whole  affair,  including  medical 
examination,  only  lasted  an  hour  and  a  half,  and  I 
was  reported  as  having  passed  very  satisfactorily. 
My  career  at  the  Academy  was  a  happy  one.  I  was 
treated  with  much  kindness,  and  experienced  none 
of  the  bullying  or  ill-usage  which  was  supposed  to 
exist.  An  amusing  incident  occurred  soon  after 
I  joined.  Each  room  contained  four  cadets,  the 
head  of  my  room  being  the  late  General  William 
Gardner,  E.A.  He  was  at  that  time  about  twenty- 
one  years  of  age,  and  having  quarrelled  with  another 
cadet,  who  was  a  good  fighter  with  his  fists,  a  meet- 
ing was  arranged  in  the  Eacket  Court.  Gardner, 
however,  said  that  a  pugilistic  encounter  was  very 
well  for  boys,  but  as  a  man  he  claimed  to  fight  with 
pistols. 

This  gave  a  more  serious  turn  to  the  matter,  and 
I,  as  junior  of  the  room,  was  ordered  to  prepare  the 
bullets  for  the  duel,  and  well  remember  remaining 


4  RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE          1836 

up  late  at  night,  melting  lead  in  the  fire  shovel, 
and  pouring  it  into  bullet  moulds.  These  serious 
preparations  led  to  some  arrangement,  and  the  affair 
never  came  off. 

Colonel  Parker  was  at  that  time  Captain  of  the 
Cadets,  and  Wilford  one  of  the  subalterns.  Parker, 
a  fine  old  soldier,  had  lost  his  leg  at  Waterloo 
and  wore  a  wooden  one.  He  was  nicknamed  Peg 
Parker. 

One  Sunday  afternoon  the  cadets  were  being 
marched  to  church  across  the  i  barrack  field '  at 
Woolwich,  Parker  as  usual  riding  in  front  on  a  small 
white  pony.  All  at  once  Wilford  ran  up  to  him  and 
said,  '  Beg  your  pardon,  sir,  but  you  have  lost  your 
leg ! '  and  sure  enough,  on  looking  down,  Parker 
saw  that  his  wooden  one  was  missing.  It  had 
tumbled  off.  Wilford,  however,  who  had  picked 
it  up,  screwed  it  on  again,  and  the  march  was 
resumed. 

In  December  1836,  after  nearly  three  years' 
residence,  I  received  my  commission  as  a  second 
lieutenant.  I  was  head  of  the  Academy,  and  just 
seventeen.  The  late  Sir  Frederic  Campbell  was 
second,  and  we  both  selected  the  Eoyal  Artillery. 

In  the  spring  of  1837  I  attended  a  levee  of 
William  IV.,  and,  to  my  surprise,  on  hearing  my 
name  he  kindly  spoke  to  me  and  asked  what  rela- 
tion I  was  to  General  Adye.  The  current  story  was 


1840  WILLIAM    IV.   AT   WOOLWICH  5 

that  the  king  asked  me  what  relation  I  was  to  my 
uncle,  and  that  in  my  confusion  I  replied  grandson  ; 
but  this  is  apocryphal. 

Speaking  of  William  IV.  reminds  me  of  a 
story  about  him  which  I  believe  is  well  founded. 
Soon  after  becoming  king  he  one  day  visited  Wool- 
wich, and  after  inspecting  the  Artillery,  &c.,  inquired 
who  was  Commanding  Officer  of  the  Marines,  and 
was  told  it  was  Sir  John  McCleverty.  The  king 
said  that  Sir  John  was  an  old  friend  and  comrade  of 
his,  and  went  off  at  once  to  call  on  him  at  the 
Barracks.  He  expressed  great  pleasure  at  seeing 
his  old  companion,  and  asked  if  he  could  do  anything 
for  him,  adding,  l  You  know  I  am  a  king  now,  and 
can  do  what  I  like.'  Old  Sir  John  McCleverty 
replied :  '  Yes,  your  Majesty,  you  can  do  something 
for  me.  My  son  not  long  ago  was  a  lieutenant  on 
board  a  man-of-war,  and  in  the  Channel  one  night  in 
a  thick  fog,  when  he  was  on  watch,  they  came  into 
collision  with  another  ship,  and  the  Admiralty  have 
in  consequence  tried  him  by  Court  Martial,  cancelled 
his  commission,  and  have  nearly  broken  my  heart, 
for  he  is  an  excellent  officer.'  The  king  promised 
that  he  should  be  restored,  was  as  good  as  his  word, 
and  the  son  rose  afterwards  to  some  distinction,  com- 
manding the  '  Terrible '  in  the  Black  Sea  during 
the  Crimean  war. 

As  the  earlier  years  of  my  service  were  passed 


6  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE          1845 

during  a  period  of  peace,  they  call  for  little  remark. 
Towards  the  end  of  1840  I  embarked  at  Woolwich 
with  my  company  for  Malta  in  an  old  sailing  trans- 
port, the  'Numa  Pompilius,'  and,  owing  chiefly  to 
bad  weather  in  the  bay,  the  voyage  occupied  no  less 
than  two  months.  We  sailed  into  Malta  on  the  same 
morning  that  the  British  fleet  under  Sir  Eobert  Stop- 
ford  arrived  from  the  capture  of  Acre. 

In  1843,  having  returned  home,  I  was  appointed 
Adjutant  of  the  Artillery  in  Dublin,  and  was  present 
when  Daniel  O'Connell  was  put  into  prison  in  Rich- 
mond  Bridewell,  and  made  a  sketch  of  the  building, 
which  was  published  in  the  'Illustrated  London 
News.'  I  also  witnessed  the  great  procession  through 
the  streets  of  Dublin  when  O'Connell  and  the  other 
prisoners  were  released. 

In  1845  I  was  appointed  to  C  Troop,  Royal  Horse 
Artillery,  at  Woolwich.  There  were  three  troops 
there,  each  consisting  of  two  guns,  a  waggon,  and 
forty  horses.  They  were  all  commanded  by  officers 
who  had  been  present  at  Waterloo  thirty  years 
before — Fox  Strangways,  Frank  Warde,  and  Ingilby ; 
but  only  one  of  them  (Strangways)  was  even  a  Brevet 
Major,  and  they  were  all  between  fifty  and  sixty 
years  of  age.  Those  were  days  of  slow  pro- 
motion. 

On  one  occasion  Major  Chalmers,  E.A.,  had  an 
interview  with  William  IV.,  who  incidentally  asked 


1848  THE   CHARTISTS  7 

him  how  long  he  had  been  a  Captain  of  Artillery. 
'  Twenty-three  years,  your  Majesty,'  replied  Chalmers. 
The  king  hastily  said,  '  I  didn't  ask  you  how  long  it 
was  since  you  were  born,  but  how  long  you  had  been 
a  captain.'  'Well,  your  Majesty,'  says  Chalmers, 
'  I  am  very  sorry,  but  I  have  been  twenty-three 
years  in  that  rank.'  The  king,  who  apparently  could 
hardly  believe  it,  laughed  and  said,  'And  a  very 
fine  position,  too.'  '  Oh  yes,'  said  Chalmers,  '  un- 
doubtedly so.' 

In  the  spring  of  1848  I  was  in  command  of  an 
artillery  detachment  in  the  Tower  of  London.  There 
was  at  that  time  much  anxiety  about  the  Chartists, 
and  as  to  the  result  of  a  meeting  under  Fergus 
O'Connor  which  took  place  on  Kennington  Common 
on  April  10.  The  walls  of  the  Tower  and  the  top  of 
the  Bank  and  the  Mansion  House  were  to  some  ex- 
tent prepared  for  defence,  and  sandbags  were  placed 
to  form  loopholes  for  musketry,  an  attack  by  the 
mob  being  apprehended.  The  Lord  Mayor  applied 
for  some  hand-grenades  to  be  thrown  from  the  Man- 
sion House  in  case  of  need,  and  I  sent  him  a  boxful 
in  a  cab,  at  the  same  time  giving  a  hint  that  in 
using  them  he  should  not  hold  them  too  long  in 
his  hand,  as  they  might  explode  prematurely.  This 
caused  a  little  uneasiness,  and  subsequently  a  bom- 
bardier was  ordered  to  give  him  instructions  as  to 
throwing  them. 


8  RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE          1848 

The  clerks  in  the  Ordnance  Department  at  the 
Tower  were  sworn  in  as  special  constables,  and  were 
served  out  with  batons  cut  out  of  old  mop-sticks. 
On  the  morning  of  April  10  Sir  George  Cathcart, 
then  Lieutenant  of  the  Tower,  sent  for  me.  He  had 
three  large  canvas  frames  in  his  drawing-room,  and 
on  them  was  painted  in  great  letters :  '  The  Tower 
guns  are  loaded  to  the  muzzle.  If  you  attempt  to 
enter,  they  will  be  fired ! '  He  said  his  intention 
was,  when  the  expected  mob  came,  to  hang  them 
(the  frames,  not  the  mob)  over  the  walls,  with 
a  bit  of  string.  I  ventured  to  point  out  that,  if 
loaded  as  stated,  the  guns,  which  were  old  cast- 
iron  carronades,  would  infallibly  burst,  but  he  re- 
plied that  it  was  only  to  frighten  the  people,  who 
would  probably  run  away.  We  waited  all  day,  but 
no  crowd  ever  came  near  the  Tower,  and  the  whole 
affair  collapsed. 

It  is  often  said  that  extravagance  prevails  amongst 
the  officers  in  some  regiments  of  the  army,  and 
there  is  probably  a  good  deal  of  truth  in  the 
remark.  But  at  all  events  in  the  earlier  days  of 
my  service  real  economy  prevailed  in  the  Artillery, 
as  is  proved  by  the  following  facsimile  copy  of 
my  mess-bill  in  Dublin  in  May  1850,  now  in  my 
possession. 


1850  A   MESS   BILL 

May  1850 

£     i.     d. 

Share  of  Mess  Guest           ....  2£ 

To  Ale                 4 

2  Cigars 10 

Luncheon             20 

Share  of  H.E.H.  Prince  George's  Luncheon  6 

3  Breakfasts        ......  39 

1  Cigar 5 

2  Cigars -    .  10 

Luncheon  and  Soda  Water         .        .        .  1  11 
19  Dinners                                                            1  18    0 


2    8  10 


Entertaining  royalty  for  Q^d.  can  hardly  be  con- 
sidered extravagant. 


10          RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1854 


CHAPTER   II 

COMMENCEMENT   OF    CRIMEAN   WAR INTERVIEW    WITH 

NAPOLEON    III 

IT  is  time  now  to  pass  on  from  the  early  reminiscences 
of  a  period  of  peace  to  the  more  interesting  and 
important  events  of  active  service,  in  which  for  some 
years  it  was  my  good  fortune  to  share. 

In  the  spring  of  1854,  after  a  peace  which  in 
Europe  had  lasted  nearly  forty  years,  the  British 
navy  and  army  were  again  called  upon  to  take  part 
in  a  great  war ;  and  the  whole  nation  soon  became 
deeply  absorbed  in  the  stirring  events  of  the  Crimean 
campaign.  Lord  Raglan  at  that  time  was  Master 
General  of  the  Ordnance  and  was  also  appointed  to 
command  the  expedition,  and  I  had  the  good  fortune 
to  be  selected  as  Brigade  Major  to  the  artillery  under 
General  Cator. 

There  is  perhaps  no  operation  of  war  more  diffi- 
cult than  that  which  this  country  has  to  undertake 
in  the  embarkation  of  its  army  for  a  continental 
campaign.  It  is  not  merely  as  regards  its  personnel ; 
but  large  reserves  of  ammunition  and  stores,  and  the 
armaments  and  equipments  of  the  artillery,  engineers, 


1854  INTERVIEW  WITH   NAPOLEON    III  II 

medical,  commissariat,  clothing,  and  other  depart- 
ments have  to  be  embarked,  and  all  so  arranged  as 
to  be  prepared  for  rapid  landing  after  a  long  voyage, 
and  possibly  in  the  face  of  an  enemy.  In  proceeding 
to  the  Crimea  eight  batteries  of  horse  and  field 
artillery,  several  siege  train  companies,  and  large 
reserves  of  munitions  for  the  army  were  embarked 
in  Woolwich  dockyard  during  March  and  April. 
The  combined  naval  and  military  arrangements  were 
efficiently  carried  out ;  and  although  the  field  artillery 
were  conveyed  in  sailing  vessels,  and  were  several 
weeks  at  sea  before  arrival  at  Constantinople,  the 
loss  of  horses  was  only  4  per  cent,  out  of  about  1,600 
embarked. 

Towards  the  end  of  April  Colonels  Strangways 
and  Lake,  Captains  Patton,  Gordon,  and  myself  (all 
artillery  officers)  were  directed  to  proceed  vid  France 
to  Marseilles  for  Malta.  On  arrival  at  Paris,  Colonel 
Strangways,  who  was  personally  known  to  the 
Emperor  Napoleon,  received  a  message  that  his 
Majesty  wished  to  receive  him  and  his  brother  officers 
at  the  Tuileries.  Strangways  informed  our  am- 
bassador, Lord  Cowley,  who,  however,  said  it  was 
not  according  to  etiquette,  and  that  we  ought  to 
attend  a  levee  in  the  usual  way,  and  declined  to  go 
with  us  ;  so  we  put  on  our  uniforms  and  drove  to 
the  Tuileries  in  a  fiacre  without  him.  The  servant 
at  the  entrance  seemed  rather  surprised  when  we 


12  RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE          1854 

said  we  had  come  to  see  the  Emperor ;  but  after 
conference  with  a  staff  officer,  we  were  conducted 
through  the  '  Salle  des  Marechaux '  to  an  inner  room, 
and  were  received  very  kindly  by  Napoleon,  who 
was  in  the  uniform  of  a  general.  He  made  inquiries 
about  the  amount  of  artillery  we  had  embarked  for 
the  East ;  spoke  about  the  difficulty  of  conveying 
horses  for  a  long  voyage ;  and  expressed  a  hope  that 
the  French  and  English  armies  combined  would  be 
able  to  act  decisively — and  then,  wishing  us  pro- 
sperity, he  invited  us  to  come  and  see  him  again  on 
our  return.  Alas  !  we  were  not  destined  to  do  so. 
Strangways  was  killed  at  Inkerman  ;  Lake,  who  had 
a  horse  shot  under  him  at  Alma,  and  another  at 
Inkerman,  was  invalided  and  died  soon  after  ;  Captain 
Patton  died  of  cholera  at  Balaclava ;  and  many  years 
elapsed  before  I  had  another  interview  with  Napoleon, 
under  very  altered  conditions,  shortly  before  his 
death  at  Chiselhurst. 

We  arrived  at  Malta  about  the  middle  of  May. 
The  streets  were  full  of  French  soldiers  on  their  way 
to  the  East ;  and  there  was  a  great  deal  of  cheering 
and  enthusiasm.  On  the  15th  we  embarked  in  the 
'  Medway  '  for  Constantinople  with  the  55th  regiment. 
As  we  approached  the  Dardanelles  we  passed  a  sail- 
ing transport,  with  part  of  a  cavalry  regiment  on 
board,  and  as  they  had  been  some  weeks  at  sea,  and 
were  making  no  progress  owing  to  calm  weather,  we 


i854  ARRIVAL  AT   CONSTANTINOPLE  13 

induced  our  captain  to  take  her  in  tow.  The  officers 
in  the  transport  made  signs  of  their  wish  to  communi- 
cate, so  we  lowered  a  bottle  tied  to  a  long  string, 
which  they  picked  up  as  it  floated  past,  and  we  then 
pulled  it  back.  We  expected  their  inquiries  might 
be  as  to  the  position  of  the  Russians  and  the  progress 
of  the  war,  but  their  message  was :  '  Can  you  tell  us 
who  won  the  Two  Thousand  Guineas?  We  have 
several  bets,  and  are  very  anxious  ! '  As  we  entered 
the  Dardanelles  we  were  boarded  by  two  French 
officers  from  a  small  transport,  who  begged  assist- 
ance, as  they  were  short  of  provisions,  having  only 
biscuits,  and  no  water.  We  provided  them  with  what 
was  requisite,  and  also  took  them  in  tow.  They  be- 
longed to  the  Chasseurs  d'Afrique,  and  had  been 
forty  days  on  passage  from  Algiers.  Passing  Galli- 
poli,  where  there  were  several  men-of-war  at  anchor 
and  considerable  French  and  English  encampments 
on  shore,  we  arrived  at  Constantinople  on  May  20. 

Our  troops  of  the  various  arms  were  now  arriving 
daily,  and  were  accommodated  either  in  the  great 
barrack  at  Scutari,  or  encamped  on  the  plain  outside, 
in  close  proximity  to  large  Turkish  cemeteries.  All 
was  bustle  and  animation.  The  scene,  however,  soon 
changed,  and  at  the  end  of  May  the  Light  Division 
under  Sir  George  Brown  re-embarked,  entered  the 
Black  Sea,  and  landed  at  Varna,  followed  shortly  after 
by  the  whole  of  the  allied  armies. 


14          RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY    LIFE          1854 

Until  my  arrival  at  Constantinople.  I  had  never 
seen  Lord  Eaglan.  Owing,  however,  to  the  failure 
of  General  Gator's  health  almost  immediately  on  his 
landing,  and  to  the  numerous  artillery  matters  which 
required  discussion  and  decision,  it  so  happened  that 
I  had  from  that  time  almost  daily  interviews  with  the 
Commander-in-chief.  In  fact,  during  the  succeeding 
twelve  months,  and  until  his  death  in  June  1855,  it 
was  my  good  fortune  to  be  closely  associated  with 
Lord  Eaglan  in  the  great  events  which  rapidly  suc- 
ceeded each  other.  General  Cator's  advice  to  me 
was,  never  to  trouble  Lord  Eaglan  more  than  abso- 
lutely necessary  with  details,  to  listen  carefully  to  his 
remarks,  to  try  and  anticipate  his  wishes,  and  at  all 
times  to  make  as  light  as  possible  of  difficulties.  These 
excellent  suggestions  I  did  my  best  to  carry  out. 

The  original  intention  in  massing  the  allied  armies 
at  Varna  was  with  a  view  of  an  advance  to  the  Danube, 
although,  in  regard  to  land  transport,  the  English 
force  was  but  little  prepared  for  rapid  movement. 
However,  the  raising  of  the  siege  of  Silistria  towards 
the  end  of  June  and  the  retreat  of  the  Eussians  led 
to  an  entire  change  of  plan,  and  the  expedition  to  the 
Crimea  was  decided  on.  The  Duke  of  Newcastle  was 
then  Minister  for  War,  and  in  his  despatch  to  Lord 
Eaglan,  of  June  29,1  he  gave  instructions  that  no 

1  Committee  of  the  House  of  Commons  on  the  state  of  the  army 
before  Sebastopol. 


1854  PREPARATIONS   FOR  THE   CRIMEA  15 

campaign  in  the  Principalities  should  be  undertaken, 
but  that  measures  should  at  once  be  concerted  for 
the  siege  of  Sebastopol.'  Lord  Eaglan's  reply  on 
July  19  said,  that  '  the  descent  on  the  Crimea  is  de- 
cided upon,  more  in  deference  to  the  views  of  the 
British  Government  than  to  any  information  in  the 
possession  of  the  naval  and  military  authorities  as  to 
the  extent  of  the  enemy's  forces  or  to  their  state  of 
preparation.' 

Owing  to  the  continued  and  severe  illness  of 
General  Gator  he  was  invalided  home  in  August,  and 
had  to  be  carried  on  board  ship  in  a  hammock,  being 
succeeded  in  command  of  the  artillery  by  General 
Strangways.  Lord  de  Eos,  Quartermaster  General, 
went  home  ill  at  the  same  time.  During  the  month 
of  August  incessant  preparations  were  made  for  the 
embarkation  of  the  great  expedition.  The  fleets  of 
the  allied  powers  arrived,  and  the  bay  of  Varna  was 
crowded  with  hundreds  of  transports,  steam- tugs,  flat- 
bottomed  boats,  and  rafts ;  and  the  beach  was  strewn 
with  thousands  of  gabions,  fascines,  and  baggage  of 
all  kinds.  Towards  the  end  of  the  month  the  troops 
commenced  embarking.  One  morning  early,  whilst 
superintending  the  departure  of  some  batteries  from 
the  shore,  Lord  Eaglan  came  up  and  spoke  to  me. 
He  remarked  that  the  artillery  staff  was  insufficient, 
and  that  1  had  too  much  to  do  ;  and  added,  '  If  you 
were  a  field  officer  I  would  appoint  you  Assistant 


1 6          RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY    LIFE          1854 

Adjutant  General,  and  give  you  help.'  Having  heard 
a  rumour  that  an  officer  of  high  rank  was  coming 
from  England  as  chief  of  the  artillery  staff,  I  ventured 
to  say  that  I  hoped  Lord  Eaglan  would  not  supersede 
me.  He  replied  at  once  :  '  Certainly  not.  I  will  take 
good  care  that  you  are  not  superseded.'  The  next  day 
he  sent  for  me,  and  said,  '  I  have  got  the  Duke  of 
Newcastle  in  a  corner.'  This  rather  puzzled  me  for 
the  moment,  but  he  continued :  '  I  have  requested 
him  at  once  to  give  you  either  brevet  or  local  rank  as 
a  Major,  and  then  the  difficulty  will  be  met.'  The 
result  of  this  was  that  within  a  month  I  was  gazetted 
as  a  Major.' 

After  the  expedition  had  been  decided  on,  and 
even  after  it  had  embarked,  great  difference  of 
opinion  existed  amongst  the  generals  and  admirals  of 
both  nations  as  to  its  expediency.  The  late  season 
of  the  year,  the  want  of  accurate  information  as  to 
the  actual  force  of  the  Eussians  and  of  the  condition 
of  the  defences  of  Sebastopol,  all  were  matters  of 
grave  concern.  The  prevalence  of  cholera  and  fever — 
which  had  greatly  weakened  the  allied  armies  and 
fleets,  and  which  continued  after  leaving  Varna — also 
added  to  the  difficulties.  These  considerations,  how- 
ever, were  not  allowed  to  prevail,  and  on  August  25 
Marshal  Saint-Arnaud  issued  a  proclamation  to  the 
French  army,  in  which  he  said  that  Providence  had 
called  them  to  the  Crimea,  a  country  healthy  as  France, 


i854  VACILLATION   OF   SAINT-ARNAUD  17 

and  that  ere  long  the  three  united  flags  should  float 
over  the  ramparts  of  Sebastopol.  Lord  Eaglan  also 
issued  his  instructions,  which  were  as  follows  :  '  The 
invasion  of  the  Crimea  having  been  determined  on, 
the  troops  will  embark  in  such  ships  as  shall  be  pro- 
vided for  their  conveyance.' 

Notwithstanding  his  proclamation,  Saint- Arnaud, 
even  when  approaching  the  shore  of  the  Crimea, 
remained  in  a  somewhat  vacillating  condition  of 
mind.  During  the  voyage  across,  he  made  a  signal 
requesting  Lord  Eaglan  and  Admiral  Dundas  to  come 
and  see  him  on  board  the '  Ville  de  Paris.'  They  pro- 
ceeded alongside  in  the  '  Caradoc,'  but  Lord  Eaglan, 
having  only  one  arm,  was  unable  to  go  on  board.1 
Admiral  Dundas,  however,  visited  Saint-Arnaud,  who 
at  the  time  was  very  ill  and  in  great  pain,  and  unable 
to  converse.  He  handed  the  Admiral  a  paper  with- 
out signature,  in  which  it  was  urged  that  it  would  be 
too  hazardous  to  land  in  face  of  a  powerful  enemy 
having  a  numerous  cavalry  ;  that  the  season  was  too 
late  for  a  siege  of  Sebastopol,  which,  moreover,  was 
known  to  be  stronger  than  anticipated ;  and  that 
consequently  it  was  necessary  to  reconsider  the  situa- 
tion and  the  measures  to  be  adopted. 

Admiral  Dundas,   accompanied  by  some  French 

1  This  account  is  taken  from  a  pamphlet  written  by  the  late 
General  Sir  W.  Brereton,  R.A.,  who  was  on  board  Admiral  Dundas's 
flagship  at  the  time. 

C 


1 8          RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE          1854 

generals,  then  returned  to  the  '  Caradoc,'  and  a  long- 
debate  took  place  with  Lord  Eaglan,  who  at  length 
ended  the  discussion  bv  declaring  that  he  would  not 

V 

now  consent  to  alter  a  decision  which  had  been 
come  to  after  careful  consideration  at  the  last  council 
at  Varna.  Without  doubt  the  enterprise  was  a  bold 
arid  dangerous  one,  undertaken  at  a  late  period 
of  the  year,  with  troops  that  were  physically  weak 
from  cholera  and  fever.  The  orders  of  the  French 
and  English  Governments  were,  however,  peremp- 
tory, and  therefore  the  allied  generals  had  in  reality 
no  option  in  the  matter. 

On  the  morning  of  September  14  the  allied  fleets 
and  transports  arrived  off  the  coast  of  the  Crimea,  and 
the  troops  at  once  commenced  landing  on  the  shore 
about  twenty-five  miles  from  Sebastopol.  The  French 
were  very  quick  in  their  movements,  and,  on  our  part, 
the  Light  Division  under  Sir  George  Brown  lost  no 
time ;  by  the  end  of  the  day  almost  the  whole  of  the 
British  infantry,  and  twenty  field  guns  horsed  and 
equipped,  were  on  shore.  Just  as  the  disembarkation 
commenced  in  the  early  morning  a  Eussian  officer 
with  a  Cossack  orderly,  rode  up  on  some  high  ground 
between  the  French  and  English  landing  places,  dis- 
mounted, and  leisurely  surveyed  the  scene  ;  and  then 
as  our  men  on  landing  approached,  he  re-mounted  and 
quietly  trotted  away.  With  that  solitary  exception, 


i8$4  DISEMBARKATION  19 

no  enemy  came  near  us  during  the  five  days  occupied 
in  disembarkation. 

The  first  night  on  shore  it  rained  heavily,  our 
troops  were  without  tents  or  shelter,  and  the  opera- 
tions on  several  subsequent  days  were  considerably 
retarded  by  rough  weather  and  a  heavy  surf,  render- 
ing our  position  somewhat  precarious.  It  has  always 
appeared  inexplicable  why  Prince  Menschikoff  should 
have  allowed  so  critical  an  operation  on  the  part  of 
the  allies  to  be  completed,  without  any  attempt  on 
his  part  to  oppose  or  delay  it ;  for  nothing  can  be 
more  helpless  than  an  army  with  men,  horses,  and 
material  of  all  kinds  huddled  together  in  boats,  and 
landing  on  an  open  beach.  The  probabilities  are 
that  he  was  occupied  in  concentrating  his  troops  at 
the  strong  position  on  the  Alma,  and  felt  himself 
unable  to  disturb  our  operations.  One  morning 
after  landing,  I  rode  with  General  Strangways  in- 
land for  a  mile  or  two  to  get  water  for  our  horses, 
and  found  a  battalion  of  the  Eifle  Brigade  in  posses- 
sion of  a  large  farm.  The  officers  complained  that 
some  of  the  French  soldiers  were  pillaging  the 
neighbourhood,  and  driving  off  the  cattle,  &c.  Sir 
George  Brown  had  sent  a  remonstrance  to  the  French 
on  the  subject.  As  we  left  the  farm  we  saw  a  French 
staff  officer,  evidently  very  angry  and  in  pursuit  of 
some  of  his  men,  and  General  Strangways  recognised 

c  2 


2O 


RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE 


1854 


Prince  Jerome  Napoleon,  who  was  in  command  of 
the  division  close  by. 

At  length,  on  September  19,  all  being  ready,  the 
allied  armies  commenced  their  celebrated  march  on 
Sebastopol.  The  French  were  close  to  the  shore,  and 
the  order  of  march  is  shown  on  the  following  plan. 


English  Army. 


French    Army. 


Prince 
Sir  G.  Brown    Sir  de  L.Evans  Napoleon 


Canrobert        Bosquet 


Forey 


4th. 
Div. 


Turks 


DIAGRAM   OF   FRENCH   AND   ENGLISH   ARMIES 

The    strength    of   the  British    Army  was    approxi- 
mately as  follows  : 


Cavalry 

Artillery 

Infantry 


Officers  and  men 

1,200 

.  60  guns  2,000 
.       25,000 

Total         28,200 


The  French  were  rather  stronger  in  infantry,  but 
had  no  cavalry.  The  division  of  Turks  was  about 
6,000  strong. 

The  troops  were  in  excellent  spirits  at  the  pro- 
spect of  immediate  action.  The  country  was  open 


1854  THE   FIRST  SHOT  21 

and  undulating  ;  the  distant  smoke  of  burning  villages, 
and  the  occasional  appearance  of  a  few  Cossacks 
hovering  about  on  the  flank,  were  the  only  evidences 
that  we  were  in  an  enemy's  country.  The  arrival  in 
the  afternoon  at  the  small  fresh  stream  of  the  Bulganac 
was  most  welcome  to  the  men  and  horses  of  the  allies, 
who  for  days  had  suffered  from  a  scanty  supply  of 
indifferent  water.  Late  in  the  afternoon  the  enemy's 
cavalry  showed  in  considerable  force,  at  a  distance 
almost  out  of  range,  beyond  the  stream,  and  Lord 
Eaglan  with  his  staff*  moved  to  the  front,  accompanied 
by  the  Light  Cavalry  under  Lord  Cardigan.  Suddenly 
a  Russian  battery  opened  fire  and  a  round  shot 
passed  through  the  Light  Cavalry,  taking  off  a 
man's  leg,  and  bounding  like  a  cricket  ball  over  the 
heads  of  the  staff.  That  was  the  first  shot  of  the 
campaign  in  the  Crimea.  Two  batteries  of  Horse 
Artillery  were  at  once  sent  forward,  and  on  their 
coming  into  action  the  enemy  fell  back  out  of  range, 
covered  by  a  cloud  of  skirmishers.  Our  loss  was 
four  troopers  severely  wounded.  It  was  almost  dusk, 
and  Lord  Raglan,  being  anxious  to  inform  Prince 

o  *  o 

Napoleon  of  what  had  occurred,  as  he  was  with  his 
division  about  a  mile  distant,  directed  Colonel  Count 
Lagondie,  the  French  military  attache,  to  ride  over 
and  give  him  the  necessary  information.  The  French 
colonel  was  riding  a  fat  Flemish  mare  which  he 
called  '  Medore,'  and  as  he  cantered  leisurely  off  the 


22  RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE          1854 

remark  was  made,  '  If  Lagondie  does  not  move  a 
little  faster  it  will  be  a  long  time  before  he  comes 
back.'  He  never  did  come  back,  as  will  be  explained 
presently. 

Shortly  after  dusk  all  staff  officers  were  directed 
to  attend  at  head  quarters,  which  were  established  in 
a  small  hut  close  to  the  Bulganac.  General  Airey, 
the  Quartermaster  General  received  us,  and  desired 
that  all  general  officers  should  be  informed  that  the 
.enemy  in  considerable  numbers  being  in  the  vicinity, 
,a  good  look-out  must  be  kept  during  the  night,  and 
that  there  should  be  no  sounds  of  drums  or  trumpets. 
He  then  went  on  to  say  that  the  Eussian  army,  com- 
puted at  45,000  men  with  a  powerful  artillery,  occu- 
pied a  strong  entrenched  position  on  heights  beyond 
the  Alma,  a  few  miles  distant,  and  that  a  general 
action  was  imminent  on  the  morrow.  The  night 
passed  quietly. 


CHAPTEE  III 

BATTLE    OF   ALMA 

4  Though  till  now  ungraced  in  story, 

Scant  although  thy  waters  be, 
Alma,  roll  those  waters  proudly ; 

Roll  them  proudly  to  the  sea." 

September  20. — In  the  early  morning  the  allied 
armies  formed  up  in  position  as  on  the  previous  day's 
march,  in  readiness  for  the  battle.  It  was  then  dis- 
covered that  Colonel  Lagondie  was  absent  from  head 
quarters,  and  inquiries  were  made  without  result. 
As  it  was  supposed  he  might  have  remained  during 
the  night  with  his  French  comrades,  a  message  was 
sent  to  Prince  Napoleon.  -  The  prince,  however,  said 
that  Lagondie  had  arrived  the  previous  evening  with 
Lord  Eaglan's  message,  and  then  left.  The  mystery 
of  his  absence  remained  for  the  time  inexplicable. 
Soon  after  the  battle  of  the  Alma,  however, 
MenschikofFs  carriage,  containing  a  number  of  his 
papers  and  letters,  was  captured,  and  amongst  them 
a  note  from  a  lady  in  Sebastopol  saying  how  much 
pleased  they  were  with  the  charming  French  colonel 
he  had  sent  in  to  them,  and  hoping  he  would  soon 


24  RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY    LIFE          1854 

send  some  more.  This  at  once  cleared  up  the  mystery 
of  our  friend  Lagondie  ;  and  it  subsequently  trans- 
pired that  on  leaving  Napoleon  at  dusk,  being 
short-sighted,  he  had  missed  his  way,  and  had  ridden 
straight  into  the  Russian  cavalry  and  was  made 
prisoner. 

Considerable  delay  occurred  on  the  morning  of 
September  20,  before  our  troops  were  prepared  to 
advance,  owing  to  numerous  cases  of  cholera  and 
fever  amongst  the  men  during  the  previous  night, 
and  the  necessity  of  conveying  them  to  the  shore,  for 
embarkation  in  the  transports.  The  French,  being 
close  to  the  sea,  had  a  considerable  advantage  in  this 
respect.  During  the  morning  Marshal  Saint- Arnaud, 
with  a  large  staff  and  an  officer  carrying  a  silk  tri- 
color standard,  rode  along  the  front  of  the  British 
Army  to  confer  with  Lord  Raglan,  and  was  loudly 
cheered  by  our  men.  Whether  the  French  marshal 
was  a  great  general  or  not,  I  had  no  means  of  judg- 
ing ;  but  when  we  consider  that  he  was  then  suffering 
from  a  mortal  disease — of  which,  indeed,  he  died 
a  few  days  later  on  board  a  French  man-of-war 
• — I  think  that  he  evinced  a  brave  and  heroic  spirit 
under  such  circumstances  in  leading  and  com- 
manding a  French  army  in  a  great  and  successful 
battle. 

At  about  eleven  o'clock  the  allied  armies  ad- 
vanced, the  whole  front  covered  by  a  cloud  of  skir- 


i854  THE   ORDER   OF   BATTLE  25 

misliers.  The  order  of  battle  was  an  echelon  from 
the  right.  General  Bosquet's  division  led  off,  march- 
ing along  the  sea  shore,  with  the  Turkish  force  in 
rear.  Then  came  the  divisions  of  Canrobert  and 
Prince  Napoleon,  with  that  of  General  Forey  in  rear 
in  reserve.  The  English  then  took  up  the  echelon ; 
the  second  division  under  De  Lacy  Evans  being  next 
to  that  of  Napoleon,  then  the  Light  Division  under 
Sir  George  Brown,  followed  in  a  second  line  by  the 
troops  of  Sir  Eichard  England  and  the  Guards  and 
Highlanders  under  the  Duke  of  Cambridge,  the  bat- 
teries of  artillery  in  the  intervals  of  brigades — the 
fourth  division  under  Sir  George  Cathcart  and  the 
cavalry  under  Lord  Lucan  being  held  in  reserve  on 
the  outward  flank,  which  was  three  or  four  miles 
from  the  shore. 

As  the  armies  thus  advanced  to  the  attack  we 
were  able  to  take  a  more  complete  survey  of  the 
Eussian  position,  and  whilst  the  ground  in  front  of 
the  French  was  seen  to  be  precipitous  and  difficult, 
it  was  evident  that  the  main  body  of  the  Eussians 
was  in  position,  and  partly  entrenched,  on  slopes 
which  the  English  forces  were  about  to  storm. 

It  has  sometimes  been  argued  that  the  English 
ought  to  have  attempted  a  movement  turning  the 
Eussian  right ;  but  when  it  is  considered  that  our 
base  was  the  sea,  it  is,  I  think,  evident  that  the  only 
prudent  course  in  attacking  a  strong,  partially  en- 


26          RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY    LIFE          1854 

trenched  position  on  the  other  side  of  a  river,  was 
the  echelon  movement  as  described.  It  was  about 
noon  when  the  first  gun  was  fired ;  Bosquet's 
brigades  crossed  the  river  near  its  mouth,  and  com- 
menced climbing  the  precipitous  slopes,  their  advance 
being  assisted  by  the  tire  of  some  vessels  of  the  fleet. 
The  enemy,  however,  were  not  in  great  force  at  this 
point,  and  the  French  gained  the  crest  with  com- 
paratively few  casualties.  The  divisions  of  Canrobert 
and  Prince  Napoleon  as  they  reached  the  river 
crossed  in  succession,  and  were  vigorously  opposed 
as  they  swarmed  up  the  heights.  Great  difficulties 
also  were  encountered  in  bringing  up  their  artillery ; 
but  a  flank  movement  of  Bosquet's  troops  along 
the  crest  finally  enabled  the  French  Army  to  make 
good  the  ascent,  although  with  considerable  loss, 
and  the  Kussians  were  compelled  to  yield  the 
ground.1 

So  far  the  battle  had  satisfactorily  progressed, 
but  a  sterner  and  far  more  terrible  struggle  had  com- 
menced on  the  left.  The  two  leading  English  divisions 
as  they  approached  the  river  and  came  within  long 
range  of  the  enemy's  guns  were  deployed  into  line, 
and,  whilst  waiting  for  the  completion  of  the  French 
attack,  were  ordered  to  lie  down.  The  English 
batteries  came  into  action ;  but  the  enemy's  guns 
were  both  powerful  and  numerous,  and  on  command- 

1  General  Canrobert  was  slightly  wounded  during  the  attack. 


1854  ADVANCE   OF   THE  ARMY  27 

ing  ground,  so  that  at  the  beginning  we  were  rather 
at  a  disadvantage. 

Urgent  messages  having  been  received  from  the 
French,  it  was  apparent  that  the  moment  of  action 
had  at  length  arrived,  and  Lord  Eaglan  then  gave 
the  order  for  the  advance  of  the  whole  army.  The 
village  of  Burliuk  on  our  side  of  the  river,  in  front 
of  Sir  De  Lacy  Evans'  division,  was  set  on  fire  by  the 
enemy,  and  led  to  the  temporary  separation  of  his 
two  brigades,  one  passing  it  on  either  side.  Lord 
Raglan,  having  given  the  order,  passed  with  his  staft 
through  the  burning  village  to  the  right,  and  by  a 
narrow  lane  came  suddenly  down  to  a  ford  of  the 
river.  In  riding  through  the  village  we  passed  the 
body  of  Lieutenant  Cockerell,  a  young  officer  of 
artillery,  who  with  his  horse  had  just  been  killed 
by  a  round  shot  from  the  heights.  A  sharp  skirmish 
was  going  on  between  the  Eussian  outposts  and  the 
Zouaves  of  Napoleon's  division  as  we  reached  and 
crossed  the  ford.  At  that  moment  Lieutenant  Leslie, 
of  the  Life  Guards,  orderly  officer  to  Lord  Ea^lan, 
fell  from  his  horse,  shot  through  the  shoulder,  and 
was  laid  under  the  bank  on  the  opposite  side.  The 
horse  of  Captain  Fortescue,  E.A ,  was  killed  at  the 
same  time  by  a  bullet  in  the  head.1  Lord  Eaglan 
pressed  on,  and  passing  some  French  skirmishers  in 

1  Nearly  two  years  afterwards,  when  peace  was  signed,  I  re-visited 
the  scene  of  the  battle,  and  found  the  skeleton  of  the  horse  lying  in 
the  lane,  with  its  skull  pierced  by  a  bullet. 


28  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE          1854 

the  vineyards,  soon  reached  high  ground,  from  which 
he  had  an  excellent  view  of  the  Eussian  position. 
Perceiving  the  important  advantage  he  should  gain 
by  artillery  fire  from  this  spot,  he  consulted  General 
Strangways  and  then  sent  me  back  for  some  guns. 
Fortunately  Captain  Turner's  battery  was  just  cross- 
ing the  ford,  and  two  guns  were  quickly  brought  up, 
followed  shortly  by  the  others.  Their  fire,  directed 
against  the  Eussian  columns  and  batteries,  who  were 
now  heavily  engaged  with  the  advance  of  the  Light 
and  Second  Divisions,  had  a  powerful  effect,  not  only 
materially  but  morally,  as  showing  the  Eussians  that 
whilst  their  front  was  being  stormed  their  flank  was 
already  turned.  Lieutenant  Walsham,  E.A.,  was 
killed  whilst  with  these  guns. 

In  the  meantime  the  two  leading  divisions, 
covered  by  skirmishers,  moved  steadily  across  the 
plain.  Their  ranks  became  somewhat  disarranged 
by  the  gardens  and  vineyards  as  they  approached  the 
river,  and  still  more  so  as  they  waded  across  the 
stream,  which  was  fordable  at  many  places.  They, 
However,  found  a  momentary  shelter  behind  the 
broken  ground  on  the  opposite  bank,  and  then  the 
great  crisis  began.  It  was  a  moment  of  intense 
anxiety  as  the  men  of  the  Light  and  part  of  the  Second 
Divisions  jumped  from  their  cover,  and  with  a  rattling 
fire  commenced  the  charge.  The  ground  over  which 
they  had  to  pass  was  of  the  nature  of  a  smooth,  steep 


1854  THE   CHARGE  AT  ALMA  29 

glacis,  and  was  swept  by  infantry  and  artillery  fire. 
Three  of  our  batteries,  however,  had  converged 
towards  the  bridge  over  the  Alma,  and  gave  material 
support  to  the  advancing  troops.  Up  to  this  time 
every  advantage  had  been  on  the  side  of  the  enemy. 
The  scale,  however,  now  began  to  turn.  As  the 
English  line  approached  the  Eussian  columns,  its 
formation,  straggling  and  irregular  as  it  was,  enabled 
it  to  open  a  continuous  line  of  fire.  The  enemy's 
forces  could  be  seen  opening  out  and  endeavouring 
to  deploy  ;  but  it  was  too  late — our  regiments  were 
close  upon  them.  Then  the  Eussian  masses  began 
to  shake ;  then  men  from  the  rear  were  seen  to  run ; 
then  whole  columns  would  turn  and  retire,  halting 
and  facing  about  at  short  intervals,  but,  with  artillery 
smashing  on  their  flank,  and  with  Codrinoton's  and 
Pennefather's  brigades  still  streaming  upwards,  the 
enemy's  troops  could  no  longer  hold  their  ground, 
but  fled  disordered  up  the  hill.  The  converging  fire 
of  their  batteries,  however,  still  made  a  fearful  havoc 
in  the  English  ranks,  and  a  wide  street  of  dead  and 
wounded,  the  whole  way  from  the  river  upwards, 
showed  the  terrific  nature  of  the  fight.  Breathless, 
decimated  and  much  broken,  but  with  victory  crown- 
ing their  efforts,  the  centre  regiments  at  length 
dashed  over  the  main  entrenchment  and  captured 
two  guns.  13 ut  the  battle  was  even  then  by  no 
means  over.  The  Eussian  reserves  moved  down,  and 


30          RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE          1854 

Codrington's  brigade,  whose  force  was  almost  ex- 
pended, was  obliged  to  give  way,  and  victory  for  a 
moment  seemed  doubtful.  Succour,  however,  was  at 
hand.  The  three  regiments  of  Guards,  with  the 
Highlanders  on  the  left,  the  whole  under  the  Duke 

o 

of  Cambridge,  were  now  advancing  up  the  hill  in 
grand  array.  Some  slight  delay  occurred  until 
Codrington's  brigade  had  fallen  back  and  cleared  the 
front,  during  which  time  the  casualties  were  numerous, 
but  then  the  chance  of  the  Eussians  was  over  and 
their  whole  army  retreated  in  some  confusion.  Lord 
Eaglan  in  the  meantime  had  left  his  position  on  the  hill 
and  joined  his  victorious  troops,  and  by  his  orders  five 
batteries  of  artillery  were  concentrated  and  fired  on 
the  broken  columns  of  the  enemy  until  they  were 
out  of  range.  It  was  a  great  victory,  not  only  in  its 
immediate  result,  but  in  its  general  effect  on  the 
Eussian  army. 

Our  losses  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing  were 
very  severe — amounting  to  2,006  officers  and  men. 
About  half  of  the  entire  number  occurred  in  the 
Light  Division  alone. 

The  following  diagram  gives  the  position  of  the 
infantry  regiments  chiefly  engaged,  and  of  the 
casualties  in  each : 

19th       23rd       33rd       7th  Fus       95th       65th 

226     210     239      222      193     115 

Colrlstream  Scots  Grenadier 

Guards  Guards  Guards 

80  181  122 


1854  A   GREAT   VICTORY  31 

The  joy  and  excitement  of  the  English  troops 
were  intense  as  Lord  Eaglan  rode  along  the  line 
formed  on  the  heights  they  had  just  won.  On  coming 
to  the  Highland  Brigade  rather  an  amusing  incident 
occurred.  Sir  Colin  Campbell  addressed  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief,  and  begged  him  to  do  him  a  favour. 
Lord  Eaglan,  in  reply,  said  it  would  give  him  pleasure 
to  serve  him  in  any  way.  Sir  Colin  then  said  :  '  My 
lord,  you  have  in  years  gone  by  shown  me  kindness 
when  I  was  a  young  officer,  and  now  I  am  an  old  one. 
My  request  is  that,  so  long  as  I  am  at  the  head  of 
the  Highland  Brigade,  I  may  be  allowed  to  wear  the 
Highland  bonnet.'  This  delighted  the  Scotchmen, 
and  great  cheering  followed. 

In  addition  to  the  two  guns  captured,  two  Eussian 
generals  were  taken  prisoners  and  about  900  of  their 
wounded  men  were  left  on  the  field.  The  total  loss 
of  the  Eussians  in  the  battle  is  stated  to  have  been 
upwards  of  5,000.  The  battle  ended  about  four  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon,  the  head  quarters  camp  being 
pitched  near  the  river,  and  Lord  Eaglan  then  went  in 
search  of  his  orderly  officer,  Lieutenant  Tom  Leslie, 
and  with  the  help  of  some  guardsmen,  with  a  stretcher, 
brought  him  to  his  tent.  Lord  Eaglan  asked  me  if  I 
knew  Tom's  mother,  and  on  my  replying  in  the  nega- 
tive, he  said  :  '  A  charming  woman.  I  must  write  to 
her.  How  proud  she  will  be  to  hear  that  he  has  a 
bullet  in  his  shoulder  ! ' 


32  RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE          1854 

Several  years  after  the  battle,  when  in  India,  I 
met  an  old  artillery  man  at  Delhi,  who  claimed 
my  acquaintance,  and  reminded  me  of  the  inci- 
dent of  bringing  up  Turner's  guns  from  the  ford.  He 
said  he  was  one  of  the  drivers  of  the  battery  at  the 
time,  and  that  I  rode  up  to  him  in  the  river  and  said  : 
* "  Johnson,"  says  you,  "  you'll  not  spare  whip  nor 
spur  till  you  get  to  the  top  of  that  hill,  for  Lord  Eaglan 
wants  you." :  I  cannot  vouch  for  the  absolute  correct- 
ness of  his  personal  reminiscences,  but  the  main  fact 
is  correct  enough. 

The  two  days  following  the  victory  were  passed 
in  collecting  our  wounded  (upwards  of  1,400),  and 
carrying  them  in  hammocks  and  stretchers  to  the 
beach  for  embarkation.  Amongst  others  I  remember 
saying  a  few  words  to  Baring  of  the  Coldstream 
Guards,  as  he  was  carried  away  from  the  field.  He 
had  lost  an  arm.  Eeserves  of  ammunition  were 
also  landed  from  the  transports  to  meet  the  ex- 
penditure, which,  however,  was  not  large,  the 
infantry  having  fired  about  six  rounds  a  man  and 
.the  artillery  fifteen  rounds  a  gun.  The  Eussians' 
muskets,  lying  about  the  field  in  thousands  (many 
of  them  with  the  old  flint  lock)  were  broken,  and 
the  accoutrements,  knapsacks,  &c.,  collected  in 
heaps  and  burned. 

The  Eussian  Commander-in-Chief  having  omitted 
to  send  in  a  flag  of  truce,  or  to  make  any  inquiry  as 


1854  THE   RUSSIAN   WOUNDED  33 

to  his  wounded  left  on  the  ground,  they  were  collected 
in  a  field  and  as  far  as  possible  attended  to.  An 
English  medical  officer,  having  volunteered,  was  left 
in  charge  of  them  as  we  marched  away ;  a  message 
being  sent  to  Prince  Menschikoff  informing  him  of  the 
arrangement. 


34          RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1854 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE    FLANK   MARCH 

ON  the  morning  of  „  September  23  the  allied  armies 
left  their  position  on  the  Alma,  and  after  a  march  of 
about  seven  miles  arrived  at  the  Katcha,  meeting  with 
no  opposition,  and  on  the  following  day  reached  the 
Belbec,  a  small  stream  within  a  short  distance  of 
Sebastopol.  From  our  pickets  on  the  heights  we 
could  see  the  harbour  and  their  line-of-battle  ships  at 
anchor. 

Hitherto  the  intention  of  the  allies  had  been  to 
attack  the  forts  on  the  north  side,  but  the  plans 
were  suddenly  altered,  chiefly  in  consequence  of  the 
recommendation  of  Sir  John  Burgoyne.  In  a  very 
able  memorandum,  written  the  day  after  the  Alma, 
he  pointed  out  in  the  first  place,  that  the  city  of 
Sebastopol,  with  its  docks,  wharves,  reserve  arma- 
ments and  stores — in  fact,  its  chief  resources — were  on 
the  south  side  of  the  harbour,  and  that  the  land 
•defences  there  were  imperfect  and  incomplete.  In 
the  second  place,  that  the  harbours  of  Kameisch  and 
Balaclava  would  give  the  allied  forces  a  safe  base  of 
•operations,  and  free  communication  with  the  fleet, 


1854  MARCHING   BY   COMPASS  35 

whereas  on  the  north  they  had  only  the  sea  shore  to 
rely  on.  Under  these  circumstances  he  recommended 
the  abandonment  of  the  north  altogether,  and  estab- 
lishing ourselves  to  the  south  of  the  city.  The 
strategical  advantages  of  this  course  were  apparent, 
and  the  plan  was  adopted,  and  on  September  25 
the  flank  march  began,  the  English  army  leading  off, 
<and  proceeding  for  some  miles  in  a  south  easterly 
direction  through  the  woods.  I  remember  when  the 
Duke  of  Cambridge  received  the  order  to  march 
south-east  through  the  forest,  he  remarked  that  he 
had  received  many  orders  in  his  day,  but  that  was 
the  first  time  he  had  ever  marched  by  compass. 

It  so  happened  that  on  the  same  morning  Prince 
Menschikoff,  ignorant  of  our  sudden  change  of  plan, 
was  moving  a  considerable  force  inland  from  Sebas- 
topol,  in  order  to  take  the  allies  in  flank,  and  as  we 
emerged  from  the  woods  on  the  open  ground  at 
Mackenzie's  farm,  our  advanced  troops  suddenly  ran 
into  the  rear  guard  of  the  Russians.  In  fact,  both  the 
opposing  armies  were  making  a  flank  march  at  the 
same  time,  and  the  head  of  one  came  into  collision 
with  the  tail  of  the  other.  Both  sides  were  taken 
unawares,  but  some  of  our  cavalry  and  Maude's  troop 
of  Horse  Artillery  at  once  pursued  and  captured  a 
few  prisoners  and  a  considerable  number  of  waggons, 
with  ammunition,  supplies,  and  baggage.  This  unex- 
pected encounter  must  have  rather  mystified  the 

D  2 


36          RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE          1854 

enemy;  but  Lord  Eaglan,  knowing  that  his  forces 
were  scattered  for  some  miles  on  a  long  thin  line, 
pushed  on,  and  towards  sunset  the  Light  and  First 
Divisions  reached  the  bridge  over  the  Chernaya  on 
the  road  leading  to  Balaclava,  and  bivouacked  for  the 
night.1 

The  following  morning  the  march  was  resumed 
across  the  plain  for  two  or  three  miles  to  Balaclava, 
that  small  fishing  village,  with  its  land-locked  har- 
bour scarcely  larger  than  a  dock,  which  was  destined 
to  be  the  British  base  throughout  the  war.  As  the 
staff  and  leading  troops  approached  the  village,  a 
deputation  of  the  inhabitants  came  out  bearing  bread 
and  salt  as  a  token  of  submission.  Almost  at  the 
same  time  a  gun  was  suddenly  fired  from  the  ruins 
of  the  old  castle  on  the  heights,  and  a  shell  splashed 
into  the  marshes  close  by,  followed  by  another. 
Lord  Eaglan,  through  an  interpreter,  asked  the  depu- 
tation the  reason  of  this  unexpected  demonstration, 
as  bread  and  salt  and  bursting  shells  seemed  incon- 
sistent with  each  other ;  but  the  only  explanation 
they  could  give  was  that  the  small  garrison  had  not 
been  formally  summoned  to  surrender.  The  troops  of 
the  Light  Division  at  once  swarmed  up  the  heights,  and 
half  of  C  troop  of  Horse  Artillery,  under  Brandling, 
came  into  action;  the  other  half  I  took,  by  Lord 
Eaglan's  orders,  up  the  steep  hill  overlooking  the 

1  Lord  Eaglan's  Despatch,  September  28,  1854. 


1854  CAPTURE   OF   BALACLAVA  37 

oastle.  Just  as  we  got  into  action,  the  '  Agamemnon,' 
with  Admiral  Sir  Edmund  Lyons,  arrived  off  the 
harbour,  and  the  small  garrison,  finding  themselves 
under  a  converging  fire  from  three  sides,  hoisted  a 
white  handkerchief  on  a  pole  in  token  of  surrender. 
Their  armament  consisted  of  four  antiquated  brass 
mortars.  The  commandant,  an  old  Greek  colonel, 
had  been  wounded  in  the  foot,  and  was  carried  down 
to  Balaclava,  where  he  met  the  staff  who  had  just 
ridden  in.  The  commandant's  wife,  on  seeing  her 
husband's  condition,  rushed  out  of  her  house  in 
a  flood  of  tears,  fell  on  his  neck,  and  kissed  him 
repeatedly.  Lord  Eaglan,  however,  spoke  kindly 
and  reassured  her.  In  the  meantime  some  Eussian 
ladies  who  had  left  Sebastopol  and  taken  refuge  in 
Balaclava,  terrified  by  our  sudden  arrival,  crossed 
the  harbour  in  a  small  boat  in  the  vain  hope  of 
escape.  Accompanied  by  another  officer  I  followed 
them  across,  and  we  tried  to  reassure  them.  Know- 
ing nothing  of  their  language  this  was  a  difficulty. 
We  tried  '  Buono,  Euss  buono,'  but  it  was  not  suffi- 
cient. Fortunately,  at  length  we  found  one  who 
spoke  a  little  French,  and  then  they  became  com- 
forted and  returned  with  us  to  the  village,  and  were 
taken  care  of.  Such  was  the  capture  of  Balaclava. 

Many  years  after,  in  1872,  on  re- visiting  the 
Crimea  with  the  late  Colonel  Charles  Gordon  of 
Khartoum,  we  found  that  the  old  commandant 


38  RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE          1854 

(Colonel  Mammoo)  was  still  alive,  being  over  eighty, 
and  we  called  on  him.  He  was  much  pleased  to  see 
us  and  to  talk  over  old  days,  and  said  that  he  should 
never  forget  the  kindness  he  had  received  from  the 
English  when  a  prisoner  of  war.  The  officers  and 
men  of  the  navy  in  the  man-of-war  which  took 
him  to  Constantinople  treated  him,  he  said,  like  a 
prince. 

In  the  meantime  the  condition  of  Marshal  Saint- 
Arnaud  had  become  critical,  and  on  September  25  he 
resigned  the  command  of  the  French  army,  and  was 
succeeded  by  General  Canrobert,  who  was  then  forty- 
five  years  of  age.  Saint- Arnaud  embarked  at  Balaclava 
on  board  the  '  Berthollet,'  and  was  visited  by  Lord 
Raglan  and  Sir  Edmund  Lyons.  He  was  then  almost 
at  the  point  of  death,  and  his  last  words  to  Lord 
Eaglan  were :  '  Je  vous  suivrai  toujours  par  la  pensee.' l 
He  died  on  board  on  September  29. 

At  the  end  of  September  the  allied  armies  took 
up  their  position  on  the  plateau  in  front  of  Sebas- 
topol,  the  French  on  the  left  with  their  base  at 
Kameisch ;  Lord  Eaglan  establishing  his  head  quar- 
ters at  a  farm  house. 

The  land  defences  of  the  city  at  the  time  were 
incomplete  and  not  continuous.  On  the  east  stood  a 
round  tower  with  four  guns  (the  Malakoff),  and  on 
the  west  a  crenelated  wall,  with  another  tower  over- 

1  Bazancourt,  ii.  276. 


o 
O 

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Ss 

Russiar 

.  Malahoff  Tower  Korntl 
.Mamelon.  Gordon's  Hill 

.  Great  Redan  Basti 
.  Barrack  Batteries 

.  Garden  Batteries 
,  Bastion  dii  mat  Basti 

,  Bastion  Centrale  Basti 

,  Lancaster  Battery 
.  Left  Attach.  Chapman's  t 

,  Right  Attach.  Gordon's  B 

Sand  bag  Battery  at  Inhei 

-c 

0}     s; 

II 
I  5 

References  to  Balacla 

*  .1 

-2     ^ 

Gl            10 

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M 
cj 

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(Redoubts 
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^ 

M 

1854  SIEGE   OF   SEBASTOPOL  39 

looking  Quarantine  bay,  and  between  these  were  some 
earthworks  (called  afterwards  the  Eedan,  Bastion  du 
Mat,  &c.),  unfinished  and  unarmed.  These  defences 
were  not  formidable,  and  the  idea  of  an  immediate 
assault  suggested  itself  and  was  advocated  by  some 
officers  of  high  rank.  On  the  other  hand,  the  garri- 
son was  almost  equal  in  number  to  the  allies ;  the 
approaches  were  commanded  by  guns,  although  few, 
of  heavy  calibre ;  and  the  enemy  had  so  placed  their 
line-of-battle  ships  in  the  harbour  as  to  sweep  the 
ravines  leading  down  to  the  city.  On  the  whole  it 
was  considered  more  prudent  to  land  the  French  and 
English  siege  trains,  with  a  view  to  a  bombardment, 
to  be  followed  by  a  general  assault. 

As  to  the  general  plan  of  attack,  Sir  John  Bur- 
goyne,  having,  with  Lord  Raglan,  surveyed  the  posi- 
tion, drew  up  a  memorandum  in  which  he  indicated 
the  Malakoff  as  the  chief  point  for  consideration. 
He  said :  '  On  the  right,  the  great  tower  appears  to 
be  the  key  of  the  whole  position,  and  the  only  work 
to  prevent  an  assault  at  any  time  ;  a  good  site,  or 
sites  for  not  less  than  eight  guns  .  .  .  must  be 
sought  for  to  demolish  that  tower.'  The  French, 
however,  demurred  to  this  view,  and  it  was  finally 
decided  that  the  main  attack  should  be  made  by 
them  on  the  Bastion  du  Mat,  an  earthwork  in  their, 
immediate  front  on  the  left.  When  we  remember  that 
at  the  end  of  the  siege,  which  lasted  nearly  a  twelve- 


40  RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE          1854 

month,  the  city  fell  chiefly  by  an  assault  on  the  very 
position  originally  indicated  by  Sir  John  Burgoyne, 
we  have  a  striking  proof  of  the  clear  insight  and 
great  ability  of  that  distinguished  soldier. 

During  the  first  fortnight  of  October  the  allied 
armies  were  incessantly  occupied  in  landing  and 
moving  up  heavy  guns  and  ammunition  from  Ka- 
meisch  and  Balaclava,  and  in  constructing  batteries 
and  trenches  in  front  of  Sebastopol,  and  it  was 
arranged  that  the  bombardment  should  open  on  the 
17th,  to  be  followed  by  a  general  assault,  the  com- 
bined fleets  simultaneously  attacking  the  forts  at  the 
mouth  of  the  harbour.  Lord  Eaglan's  order  was  as 
follows  :  '  The  fire  upon  Sebastopol  to  commence  at 
6.30  A.M.  from  the  French  and  English  batteries,  in 
co-operation  with  the  allied  fleets — the  signal  to  be 
the  discharge  of  three  mortars  by  the  French.  The 
troops  off  duty  to  be  ready  to  fall  in  at  a  moment's 
notice.  Horses  of  the  field  batteries  to  be  harnessed.' 
A  thousand  seamen  with  heavy  guns  were  landed 
from  the  British  fleet,  and  formed  a  naval  brigade 
to  act  in  co-operation  with  the  Eoyal  Artillery  in  the 
trenches. 

The  enemy,  however,  were  equally  energetic  in 
developing  and  completing  their  earthworks,  and, 
having  an  almost  unlimited  supply  of  heavy  ordnance 
and  munitions  close  at  hand,  they  were  in  reality,  as 
the  event  proved,  able  to  strengthen  their  defensive 


1854  BOMBARDMENT   COMMENCED  41 

position  faster  than  the  allies  could  concentrate  their 
powers  of  attack. 

The  bombardment  commenced  at  daylight  on 
October  17,  the  infantry  and  field  artillery  being 
held  in  readiness  for  a  general  assault  during  the 
day.  Our  hopes  and  expectations  were,  however, 
destined  to  a  great  and  speedy  disappointment.  The 
French  siege  batteries  in  front  of  the  Bastion  du 
Mat  were  soon  seen  to  be  in  difficulties,  being  over- 
matched by  those  of  the  enemy ;  and  early  in  the 
morning  one  of  their  magazines  exploded,  followed 
by  a  second,  resulting  in  great  loss  of  life,  and 
practically  putting  an  end  for  the  time  to  their  fire. 
The  Eussians,  having  thus  gained  a  considerable 
advantage  in  one  direction,  turned  their  attention 
more  immediately  towards  the  English  position,  and 
a  vigorous  bombardment  was  maintained  on  both 
sides.  Lord  Eaglan,  in  his  despatch  of  October  18, 
alluding  to  the  British  batteries,  speaks  in  high  terms 
of  the  conduct  of  the  sailors  and  of  the  Eoyal 
Artillery.  He  says  that  they  kept  up  their  fire  with 
unremitting  energy  throughout  the  day,  to  his  own 
and  the  general  satisfaction,  and  to  the  admiration  of 
the  French  army. 

About  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  a  magazine 
blew  up  in  the  Eedan,  and  for  a  time  the  Eussian 
guns  were  silent.  Lord  Eaglan  said  that,  under 
other  circumstances,  this  explosion  would  have  been 


42  RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE          1854 

the  proper  moment  for  assault.  The  combined  fleets 
during  the  day  also  engaged  the  sea  forts  and 
suffered  considerably,  but  from  our  inability  to  take 
advantage  of  their  action  no  decisive  results  were 
achieved.  In  short,  the  great  bombardment  of 
October  17  was  a  coup  manque,  and  although  the 
conflict  was  still  vigorously  maintained,  and  although 
the  French  in  a  few  days  partially  re-opened  fire,  it 
began  to  be  apparent  that  the  allies  were  growing 
weaker  by  the  wearing  out  of  their  guns  and 
carriages  and  the  exhaustion  of  their  ammunition, 
whilst  the  Eussian  defences  were  becoming  con- 
solidated and  their  armaments  augmented. 

General  Canrobert  did  not  at  first  take  so  gloomy 
a  view  of  the  position.  Writing  a  few  days  after, 
he  stated  that  his  means  of  attack  were  concentrated 
on  the  Bastion  du  Mat,  and  that,  assisted  by  the 
English,  he  hoped  soon  to  gain  possession  of  it. 
Lord  Eaglan,  however,  writing  on  the  23rd,  said 
that  the  fire  of  the  enemy  was  not  seriously 
diminished ;  that,  with  plenty  of  men  and  unlimited 
resources,  they  were  able  to  repair  their  works, 
remount  guns,  and  re-open  fire  from  batteries  which 
had  been  silenced,  and  that  consequently,  he  was 
unable  to  say  when  ulterior  measures  could  be 
undertaken.  The  situation  was  growing  serious. 

In  the  meantime  the  enemy  were  also  beginning 
to  appear  in  strength  on  the  Chernaya,  in  the 


1854  DEFENSIVE   ENTRENCHMENTS  43 

direction  of  Balaclava.  Since  our  arrival,  at  the 
end  of  September,  considerable  attention  had  been 
given  to  the  defence  of  this  important  base  of  our 
operations.  Defensive  entrenchments  were  con- 
structed on  the  heights  immediately  surrounding 
and  overlooking  the  harbour,  armed  with  guns  of 
position,  and  held  by  a  force  of  marines ;  whilst  the 
93rd  Highlanders  and  a  battery  of  artillery  were  in 
front  of  Kadikoi,  the  whole  under  the  command  of 
Sir  Colin  Campbell.  In  the  plain  beyond,  and  about 
a  mile  in  advance,  a  girdle  of  small  detached  hills 
extended  in  a  curve  across  the  valley,  and  upon 
these,  several  battalions  of  Turks  were  distributed 
and  began  to  entrench  themselves.  As  they  had 
no  ordnance  suitable,  some  cast-iron  howitzers  were 
by  Lord  Eaglan's  direction  lent  to  them  for  the 
purpose.  Such  were  the  main  outlines  of  the  pre- 
cautions taken  for  the  defence  of  Balaclava.  They 
were  by  no  means  too  strong ;  but  what  with  the 
incessant  duties  before  Sebastopol  and  the  great 
extent  of  ground  to  be  covered,  our  troops  were 
overworked,  and  no  more  were  available  for  the 
defence  of  this  flank  of  the  position,  covering,  indeed, 
the  sole  base  of  our  supplies  of  food  and  munitions. 


44          RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE          1854 


CHAPTEE    V 

BATTLE    OF   BALACLAVA 

'  Not  once  or  twice  in  our  rough  island  story, 
The  path  of  duty  was  the  way  to  glory.' 

EARLY  on  the  morning  of  October  25,  the  Eussian 
army  having  received  large  reinforcements,  General 
Liprandi  advanced  in  force  and  attacked  the  un- 
finished redoubts  held  by  the  Turks ;  and  although 
the  latter  were  supported  in  the  plain  by  the  British 
cavalry  and  Maude's  troop  of  Horse  Artillery,  they 
were  not  able  to  hold  their  ground,  and,  after  a  short 
defence,  fell  back  disordered  to  Balaclava,  leaving 
their  guns  behind,  many  of  the  Turks  calling  out 
'  Ship — Johnnie — Euss  no  bono '  as  they  ran  past 
our  troops.  It  was  during  this  early  part  of  the 
action  that  Captain  Maude J  was  seriously  wounded 
and  had  his  horse  killed  under  him. 

Soon  after  the  commencement  of  the  battle,  Lord 
Eaglan,  General  Canrobert,  and  their  staffs,  arrived, 
and  took  up  a  position  on  the  edge  of  the  Sebastopol 
plateau  overlooking  the  plain,  and  thus  gained  a 

1  The  late  Sir  George  Maude,  Crown  Equerry. 


1854  A   CAVALRY   CHARGE  45 

complete  panoramic  view  of  the  scene  below.  Lord 
Eaglan,  on  perceiving  the  defeat  of  the  Turks  in  the 
outlying  forts,  at  once  ordered  the  First  Division 
under  the  Duke  of  Cambridge,  and  the  Fourth  under 
Sir  George  Cathcart,  to  proceed  from  the  front  to 
strengthen  the  force  at  Balaclava.  The  enemy, 
having  somewhat  easily  gained  an  important  advan- 
tage by  the  capture  of  the  Turkish  position,  after  a 
short  delay  made  a  further  movement  towards  the  inner 
line  of  defence,  and  a  large  mass  of  Eussian  cavalry 
advanced  rapidly  and  with  great  boldness  across  the 
plain.  One  portion  approached  the  93rd,  who  were 
in  line  in  front  of  JCadikoi,  but,  being  received  with 
perfect  steadiness  by  the  Highlanders,  they  did  not 
follow  up  the  attack.  The  main  body  bore  down 
towards  the  English  Heavy  Cavalry  under  General 
Scarlett,  who,  however,  wheeled  into  line  as  the 
Eussians  approached,  and  charged  straight  into 
them.  Having  been  sent  with  an  order  to  Brandling's 
C  Battery  of  Horse  Artillery,  it  so  happened  that  I 
was  at  the  moment  only  a  few  hundred  yards  distant, 
and  witnessed  the  whole  affair.  For  a  few  minutes 
it  seemed  as  if  our  cavalry,  owing  to  the  great 
superiority  of  the  enemy's  numbers  (estimated  at 
three  to  one),  were  almost  surrounded.  Then  small 
bodies  of  red-coats  could  be  seen  vigorously  fighting 
and  in  close  personal  combat  with  the  Eussians. 
At  length  the  latter  gave  way,  their  retreat  being 


46          RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE          1854 

hastened  by  the  fire  of  two  batteries  of  Horse 
Artillery.  Lord  Eaglan  in  his  despatch  said  that 
the  charge  was  one  of  the  most  successful  he  had 
ever  witnessed.  It  was  made  at  an  opportune 
moment,  and  completely  checked  the  enemy's  move- 
ments, their  infantry  remaining  at  a  distance,  parti- 
ally concealed  behind  the  captured  Turkish  forts.  A 
pause  now  ensued. 

Whilst  the  events  just  related  were  taking  place, 
the  First  and  Fourth  Divisions  were  marching  down, 
and  arrived  in  the  plain.  In  the  meantime,  the  Light 
Cavalry  under  Lord  Cardigan  had  moved  to  the 
outer  valley,  just  beyond  the  Turkish  forts.  A  small 
force  of  French  Chasseurs  d'Afrique  was  on  their 
left.  Lord  Eaglan,  being  anxious  to  recover  the 
position  lost  by  the  Turks,  sent  the  following  order 
in  writing  to  the  Earl  of  Lucan,  who  was  in  chief 
command  of  the  cavalry :  '  The  cavalry  to  advance 
and  take  advantage  of  every  opportunity  to  recover 
the  heights.  They  will  be  supported  by  infantry, 
which  has  been  ordered  to  advance  on  two  fronts.' 
Instructions  of  a  similar  purport  were  sent  to  the 
infantry  divisions.  As  some  delay  occurred  and  the 
object  was  not  accomplished,  and,  further,  as  Lord 
Eaglan  from  his  position  on  the  heights  observed 
that  the  enemy  were  removing  the  captured  guns,  he 
sent  a  second  order,  also  in  writing^  to  Lord  Lucan, 
by  Captain  Nolan,  as  follows :  '  Lord  Eaglan  wishes 


1854  THE   LIGHT   BRIGADE  47 

the  cavalry  to  advance  rapidly  to  the  front,  follow 
the  enemy,  and  try  to  prevent  them  carrying  away 
the  guns.  Troop  of  Horse  Artillery  may  accompany, 
French  cavalry  on  your  left.  Immediate.' 

The  fair  construction  of  the  above  orders  would 
appear  to  be  that  the  cavalry  were  to  follow  the 
retreating  enemy,  and  that  they  were  to  be  supported 
by  artillery  and  two  divisions  of  infantry.  What 
followed  is  thus  related  by  Lord  Lucan  himself. 
4  After  carefully  reading  this  order,  I  hesitated,  and 
urged  the  uselessness  of  such  an  attack  and  the 
dangers  attending  it.  The  aide-de-camp,  in  a  most 
authoritative  tone,  stated  that  they  were  Lord 
Eaglan's  orders  that  the  cavalry  should  attack  im- 
mediately. I  asked,  where  and  what  to  do,  neither 
enemy  nor  guns  being  in  sight  ?  He  replied  in  a  most 
disrespectful  but  significant  manner,  pointing  to  the 
further  end  of  the  valley :  "  There,  my  Lord,  is  your 
enemy  ;  there  are  your  guns."  So  distinct,  in  my 
opinion,  was  your  written  instruction,  and  so  positive 
and  urgent  were  the  orders  delivered  by  the  aide-de- 
camp, that  I  felt  it  was  imperative  on  me  to  obey, 
.  nd  I  informed  Lord  Cardigan  that  he  was  to 
advance,  and  to  the  objections  he  made,  and  in 
which  I  entirely  agreed,  I  replied  that  the  order 
was  from  your  Lordship.' 

Such  are  the  main  outlines  of  the  circumstances 
which  led  to  the  celebrated  Light  Cavalry  charge. 


48          RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE        -1854 

Formed  as  shown  in  the  diagram,  they  moved 
rapidly  and  steadily  down  the  plain.  They  did  not 
attack  the  enemy  behind  the  Turkish  entrenchments, 
nor  did  they  attempt  to  intercept  the  captured 
howitzers  which  were  being  withdrawn,  but  rode 
straight  into  the  main  body  of  the  Eussian  army,  far 
away  at  the  other  end  of  the  valley.  Artillery 
opened  upon  them  on  either  flank  and  in  front,  but 
still  they  rode  on,  and  at  length  passed  right  through 

Formation  of  Light  Brigade 
under  the  Earl  of  Cardigan. 

17  th.  Lancers  13  th.  Light  Dragoons 


nth.  Hussars  4th.  Light  Dragoons 


I I  I  I 

8th.  Hussars 
I  I 

the  enemy's  guns ;  but  assailed  by  artillery,  infantry, 
and  cavalry  they  were  at  length  almost  broken  up, 
and  only  scattered  fragments  of  each  regiment  ever 
came  back.  The  Chasseurs  d'Afrique,  who  were  on 
the  flank  of  the  Light  Brigade,  gallantly  charged  the 
enemy  on  the  Fedhukine  heights,  and  thus  made  an 
important  diversion,  in  which  they  suffered  severely. 
The  loss  of  the  cavalry  during  the  day  amounted  to 
40  officers  and  353  men  killed,  wounded,  and  missing ; 
and  381  horses  killed. 


1854  DEATH   OF   CAPTAIN    NOLAN  49 

Having  been  sent  a  second  time  to  Balaclava  with 
orders  and  my  horse  becoming  lame,  I  was  returning 
leisurely  just  as  the  charge  took  place,  but,  owing  to 
the  ridge  of  intervening  hills  intercepting  the  view, 
was  not  aware  of  it.  Meeting  H.E.H.  the  Duke  of 
Cambridge  a  few  minutes  afterwards  at  the  head  of 
the  Guards,  he  spoke  of  the  sad  loss  the  army  had 
just  sustained ;  and,  seeing  that  I  was  ignorant  of 
the  circumstances,  went  forward  a  little  and  pointed 
down  the  outer  valley,  where  small  groups  could  be 
seen  in  the  distance  of  men  and  horses  of  the  Light 
Cavalry  lying  about,  and  in  some  cases  being  attended 
to  by  the  Eussians.  The  Duke  added :  '  The  officer 
who  brought  the  order  lies  dead  in  that  ditch.'  There, 
a  few  yards  off,  was  the  body  of  Captain  Nolan,  with 
a  large  wound  in  his  chest.  In  the  course  of  the 
afternoon  part  of  Sir  George  Cathcart's  division 
advanced  a  short  distance,  and  re-took  one  of 
the  outlying  forts,  in  which  were  found  two  of  the 
lost  howitzers  upset  in  the  half-formed  entrench- 
ment. 

Lord  Raglan,  in  his  despatch  of  the  Battle  of 
Balaclava,  alluding  to  the  circumstances  which  led 
to  the  Light  Cavalry  charge,  limited  his  remarks  to 
the  statement  that  '  from  some  misconception  of  the 
instruction  to  advance,  the  Lieutenant-General  con- 
sidered that  he  was  bound  to  attack  at  all  hazards.' 
The  Earl  of  Lucan,  however,  took  exception  to 

E 


50         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE  1854 

this  description  of  his  action  in  the  matter,  and,  per 
sisting  in  his  objections,  was  ultimately  recalled. 

The  consequences  immediately  resulting  from  the 
battle  of  the  25th  were  not  of  a  decisive  character. 
The  enemy  had  no  doubt  achieved  a  partial  success 
in  getting  possession  of  the  outer  line  of  defence,  but 
had  not  obtained  their  main  object — the  capture  of 
Balaclava.  The  position  however,  was  precarious, 
and  two  regiments  of  Highlanders  were  added  to  Sir 
Colin's  force,  and  a  brigade  of  French  infantry  were 
encamped  on  the  heights  in  rear.  Still  Lord  Eaglan 
was  anxious,  and  in  his  despatch  of  November  3  says 
that  he  should  be  more  satisfied  if  he  could  have  occu- 
pied the  position  in  considerably  greater  strength. 
Greater  anxieties  were,  however,  awaiting  him. 

On  the  afternoon  following  the  battle  of  Balaclava 
the  Russians  came  out  in  considerable  strength  from 
Sebastopol  (about  6,000  men  and  16  guns)  and 
attacked  the  right  of  our  position  on  the  heights  of 
Inkerman,  but  were  vigorously  met  by  the  artillery 
and  infantry  of  the  Guards  and  Second  Division,  and 
were  driven  back  into  the  city  with  a  loss  of  about 
600  men.  This  attempt  of  the  enemy  proved  to  be 
the  shadow  of  a  coming  event. 

During  the  next  few  days  no  incident  of  special 
importance  occurred,  but  the  crisis  was  approaching, 
and  the  Eussians,  having  received  large  reinforce- 
ments, on  November  5  made  another  determined 


1854  RESULTS   OF   THE    BATTLE  51 

attack  in  great  force  on  the  right  of  the  English 
position,  which,  had  it  succeeded,  would  not  only 
have  raised  the  siege,  but  would  probably  have  en- 
tailed the  abandonment  of  the  Crimea  by  the  allies. 
Indeed,  although  unsuccessful  in  its  main  purpose, 
still  the  results  of  the  great  battle  on  that  day  were 
by  no  means  insignificant.  The  allies  were  compelled 
to  postpone  any  idea  of  assault,  and  they  thus 
afforded  the  enemy  time  to  complete  their  defences, 
which  enabled  the  city  to  hold  out  for  ten  months 
longer.  In  connection  with  this  subject  there  is 
another  point  which  deserves  consideration. 
Although  probably  fortuitous,  still  it  is  a  fact  that 
both  on  landing  in  the  Crimea,  and  on  taking  up 
ground  in  front  of  Sebastopol,  the  English  army 
occupied  on  each  occasion  the  exposed  Hank,  so 
that  at  the  three  successive  battles  the  brunt  of  the 
actions,  and  consequently  the  chief  losses,  fell  upon 
them.  Not  only  that,  but  whilst  their  numbers — 
owing  to  deaths,  wounds,  and  sickness — were  con- 
stantly and  rapidly  diminishing,  they  had,  in  addition 
to  their  work  in  the  trenches,  to  guard  a  very  ex- 
tended position.  General  Canrobert,  perhaps  unduly 
cautious,  did  not  feel  able  at  that  time  to  give  us  any 
more  assistance  in  the  defence  of  Balaclava.1  Lord 
Eaglan  himself  so  informed  me  at  the  time. 

1  See  Lord  Raglan  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  November  3,  King- 
lake's  InJierman,  p.  45. 

E  -2 


52         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE  1854 

As  regards  the  ground  at  Inkerman  on  which  the 
great  conflict  took  place,  it  did  not  in  itself  offer  any 
very  inviting  facilities  to  an  enemy's  attack.  It  formed 
the  right-hand  corner,  as  it  were,  of  our  position  on 
the  elevated  plateau  south  of  the  city ;  and  the  ascent 
to  it  from  Sebastopol  and  the  Chernaya  was  precipi- 
tous, its  area  being  restricted  by  the  Careening  Bay 
ravine  on  one  side,  and  by  steep  slopes  on  the  other 
— so  that  the  enemy's  columns  as  they  arrived  were 
rather  huddled  together,  and  got  in  each  other's  way. 

Todleben  wrote  :  '  Although  the  nature  of  the 
ground  rendered  this  position  a  strong  one  in  itself, 
it  was  to  be  considered  that  the  number  of  English 
troops  which  occupied  it  was  very  weak.' l 

The  general  plan  was  as  follows  : 2 

Two  corps  of  the  Russian  army  under  General 
Dannenberg,  computed  at  40,000  infantry  and  135 
guns,  were  detailed  for  the  attack.  One  under  Dan- 
nenberg and  Pauloff  was  to  cross  the  marsh  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Chernaya,  climb  the  heights,  and  force 
the  English  right ;  whilst  the  other,  under  Soimonoff, 
was  to  leave  Sebastopol,  near  the  Malakoff,  and  advance 
up  the  left  side  of  the  Careening  Bay  ravine.  These 
arrangements  would  appear  to  be  simple  enough, 
but  as  it  turned  out  they  were  in  a  great  measure 
frustrated  by  a  singular  mistake.  It  appears  that 

1  Kinglake's  Inkerman,  p.  56. 

8  See    Kinglake's   InJeerman,   pp.    110    and   498  ;    Dannenberg's 
-orders  to  Soimonoff. 


2  "5.2 


i854  GENERAL   SOIMONOFF'S    MISTAKE  53 

General  Soimonoff,  looking  from  Sebastopol,  imagined 
that  he  was  to  advance  up  the  left  side  of  the  ravine 
as  he  saw  it  from  that  point  of  view,  whereas  the 
intention  was  precisely  the  reverse.  The  intention  of 
General  Dannenberg  seems  clear  from  the  following 
short  extract  from  his  instructions  to  Soimonoff, 
issued  the  day  before.  He  says :  '  Votre  flanc  gauche 
sera  parfaitement  convert  par  le  ravin  du  Carenage, 
et  la  cooperation  des  troupes  qui  traversent  la 
Chernaya.'  Again  he  says :  '  Un  ravin  profond  et 
tres  long,  connu  sous  le  nom  de  ravin  du  Carenage, 
nous  separe,  le  general  Soimonoff  et  moi,  au  com- 
mencement de  1'attaque.' 

As  it  was,  however,  before  daybreak  on  the  5th 
Soimonoff  led  his  corps  across  the  ravine,  and 
marched  up  on  the  other  side,  so  that  when  Pauloff 
arrived  immediately  after  he  found  the  heights 
already  occupied  and  the  battle  begun.  This  initial 
blunder  (although  we  were  of  course  ignorant  of  it 
at  the  time)  hampered  the  Eussians  throughout  the 
day ;  and  the  death  of  Soimonoff  early  in  the  action 
probably  rather  added  to  their  confusion.  A 
Eussian  account  quite  confirms  this  view.  It  says : 
'  The  disadvantage  of  this  false  direction  was  that 
from  the  confined  nature  of  the  ground  Soimonoff's 
troops  were  very  much  in  the  way  of  Pauloff 's 
columns,  and  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  could 
find  space  to  deploy.'  .  .  .  .  '  While  the  Eussians 


54          RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY    LIFE  1854 

were  moving  about  in  columns,  the  English  were 
drawn  up  in  a  line  two  deep,  and  their  long-ranging 
guns  enabled  them  to  inflict  mortal  wounds  on  the 
Eussians  at  a  time  when  the  latter  were  unable  to 
reach  them  at  all  with  their  firearms.' 

As  regards  the  arrangements  of  the  English  pre- 
vious to  the  battle,  500  men  of  the  Second  Division 
and  three  guns  were  detailed  daily  to  watch  the 
ground  at  Inkerman,  and  one  or  two  slight  earth- 
works were  thrown  up  ;  a  picket  of  the  Light  Division 
being  also  posted  in  the  Careening  Bay  ravine,  which, 
however,  was  captured  on  the  morning  of  the  5th. 


55 


CHAPTER  VI 

BATTLE    OF    1NKERMAN 

BEFORE  giving  a  slight  sketch  of  the  events  of  this 
momentous  day,  it  is  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  that 
the  original  numbers  of  the  English  army  had  become 
much  reduced  since  their  landing,  by  the  casualties 
of  war  and  by  sickness  ;  that  they  had  also  to  guard 
the  trenches  day  and  night,  and  to  be  ready  to  defend 
the  extended  position  in  front  of  Balaclava.  In  short, 
their  numbers  were  not  by  any  means  adequate  to 
the  various  and  widely  detached  duties  they  were 
called  upon  to  perform.  The  consequence  was  that 
on  the  day  of  Inkerman  they  had  only  8,000  infantry 
and  36  guns  available  for  the  defence  of  the  position. 
It  was  dark  and  wet  and  a  thick  fog  lay  on  the 
ground  as  day  dawned  on  Sunday,  November  5. 
My  servant  came  into  my  tent  and  woke  me  about 
daylight,  saying  that  heavy  firing  had  just  commenced 
not  far  away.  In  a  few  minutes  I  was  off,  but  found 
that  Lord  Eaglan  and  General  Strangways  had 
already  left.  On  approaching  the  scene,  and  riding 
through  the  camp  of  the  Second  Division,  it  was  appa- 
rent that  the  enemy  were  close  at  hand.  Round  shot 


56         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE  1854 

were  bounding  along,  tents  were  being  knocked  over, 
horses  killed  at  their  pickets,  whilst  blankets  and 
great  coats  were  lying  about  among  the  brushwood, 
thrown  down,  apparently,  as  our  men  had  hastily 
fallen  in  and  hurried  to  the  front.  The  centre  of  our 
position  on  the  ridge  was  held  by  the  Second  Division 
under  Pennefather,  with  the  Guards  in  advance  on 
the  right  under  the  Duke  of  Cambridge  and  Bentinck, 
and  one  brigade  of  the  Light  Division  under  Buller 
on  the  left — six  batteries  of  artillery  being  in  action 
in  the  intervals.  On  joining  Lord  Eaglan  about  7  A.M. 
it  was  evident  from  the  very  heavy  fire  both  of 
infantry  and  artillery  that  the  Eussian  columns  were 
close  upon  us,  and  were  indeed  forcing  our  position 
at  various  points.  In  fact,  owing  to  the  rain  and 
thick  mist,  the  troops  of  both  the  opposing  forces 
were  in  immediate  proximity  several  times  during 
the  day  almost  before  they  were  aware  of  it. 

On  the  extreme  right,  and  in  advance,  a  small 
sandbag  work  had  been  established  and  armed  with 
two  18-pounders  many  days  previously,  not  with  a 
view  to  local  defence,  but  to  silence  some  Eussian  guns 
on  the  other  side  of  the  Chernaya  which  annoyed  our 
camp,  and  having  achieved  the  object  our  guns  had 
been  withdrawn.  It  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
this  earthwork  that  very  severe  fighting  took  place, 
and  it  was  captured  and  re-taken  several  times,  the 
Guards  especially  sustaining  the  brunt  of  the  conflict 


1854  BATTLE   OF   INKERMAN  57 

and  suffering  great  losses.  The  Eussian  account  says  : 
'  The  battle  raged  forward,  backward,  beneath,  above, 
among  bushes  and  underwood ;  above  all,  the  sand- 
bag battery  on  the  wing  had  been  the  object  of  many 
an  attack,  until  at  length  General  Bentinck  led  up 
his  Guards,  the  elite  of  the  English  army.  These 
chosen  troops  pressed  irresistibly  forward  to  the 
redoubt,  and  tore  it  from  the  Eussians.  .  .  .' 

In  the  meantime  Sir  George  Cathcart,  with  part 
of  the  Fourth  Division,  arrived  to  the  support  of  our 
hardly  pressed  troops.  Conceiving  the  extreme 
right  to  be  the  point  most  open  to  danger,  he  was 
marching  in  that  direction  when  he  received  urgent 
messages  requesting  assistance  in  the  centre  and  on 
the  left.  He  accordingly  detached  the  greater  part 
of  his  brigade  and  a  battery  towards  these  points, 
but  proceeded  himself,  with  a  small  number  of  men, 
to  reinforce  the  Guards.  The  enemy,  in  fact,  were 
forcing  our  line  at  several  places  at  once.  Hardly 
had  the  battery  just  named  got  into  action  and  fired 
a  few  rounds  of  case  than  it  was  run  into  and  three 
of  its  guns  momentarily  captured,  the  officer  com- 
manding (Major  Townsend)  being  killed.  Three 
guns  of  Turner's  battery  were  also  taken  and  some 
of  the  gunners  bayonetted  at  their  posts ;  but  in 
both  instances  the  guns  were  re-taken  immediately 
afterwards  by  the  77th  and  88th  Eegiments.1 

1  Lord  Raglan's  despatch,  November  8,  1854. 


58         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY    LIFE  1854 

Sir  George  Cathcart,  under  the  impression  that 
he  could  assist  the  Guards  by  a  flank  movement, 
moved  for  some  distance  down  the  slopes,  near  the 
sandbag  battery,  but  suddenly  found  himself  sur- 
rounded by  a  superior  force,  and  fell,  shot  through 
the  heart ;  General  Torrens,  who  was  with  him, 
being  also  severely  wounded.1 

At  about  8  o'clock  A.M.,  Lord  Baglan  with  his 
staff  was  moving  along  the  ridge,  and  halted  about 
the  centre  of  the  line.  Perceiving  the  advantage  he 
should  gain  by  the  fire  of  heavy  guns  from  such 
commanding  ground,  he  sent  an  order  for  the  two 
18-pounders,  which  were  near  at  hand  at  the  mill,  to 
be  brought  up.  It  so  happened  that  the  officers  in 
charge  of  them,  anticipating  his  wishes,  had  already 
packed  the  necessary  ammunition  in  waggons,  and 
were,  therefore,  ready  when  his  message  came. 
Colonel  Gambier,  E.A.,  in  command,  was  wounded, 
and  had  to  retire  as  they  moved  up ;  but  under 
Colonel  Collingwood  Dickson 2  and  Captain  D'Aguilar 
these  guns  were  speedily  brought  into  action  on  the 
ridge,  and  rendered  excellent  service  throughout  the 
day.  Prince  Menschikoff,  in  his  despatch  after  the 
battle,  makes  special  allusion  to  the  fire  of  the 
British  heavy  guns.  There  were  no  less  than  seven- 
teen casualties  with  these  two  guns,  and  they  fired 
about  84  rounds  a  gun. 

1  Lord  Eaglan's  despatch,  November  8,  1854. 

2  Now  Generals  Sir  C.  Dickson  and  Sir  C.  D'Aguilar. 


1854  DEATH   OF   GENERAL   STRANGWAYS  59 

Just  before  the  arrival  of  the  18-pounders,  Lord 
Eaglan,  accompanied  by  his  staff,  was  on  the  ridge 
surveying  the  position,  having  General  Strangways 
on  his  right.  At  that  moment  a  shell,  supposed  to 
have  been  fired  at  long  range  from  a  Eussian  vessel 
in  the  harbour,  passed  between  them  and  burst 
amongst  the  staff,  killing  the  horses  of  Colonels 
Gordon  and  Paulet  Somerset.  These  two  officers, 
however,  were  unhurt.1  A  few  seconds  afterwards 
General  Strangways  turned  round  to  me,  saying, 
quite  calmly,  '  Help  me  off  my  horse,'  and  he  was 
then  seen  to  be  falling.  General  Estcourt  and  myself 
j  umped  off  and  caught  him  as  he  fell ;  and  we  then 
found  that  his  left  leg  had  been  taken  off  below  the 
knee  by  the  shell  as  it  passed  between  him  and  Lord 
Eaglan.  We  laid  him  on  the  ground  and  I  tied  my 
handkerchief  round  his  shattered  limb.  The  staff 
moved  on  a  short  distance,  and  I  was  left  with  him 
alone.  The  enemy  at  the  time  were  close  upon  us. 
After  looking  about  in  vain  for  a  doctor,  or  a  stretcher 
to  carry  him  away,  I  at  length  saw  two  men  bearing 
a  wounded  comrade,  and,  when  they  had  deposited 

1  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  nearly  forty  years  before  this  day 
Lord  Raglan  and  Strangways,  then  both  young  men  of  twenty-six 
years  of  age,  had  been  present  at  Waterloo,  when  both  were  severely 
wounded,  Lord  Raglan  losing  his  right  arm. 

The  staff  present  were  as  follows :  Sir  John  Burgoyne,  Generals 
Estcourt,  Strangways,  and  Airey;  Colonels  Steele,  Paulet  Somerset 
and  the  Hon.  A.  Gordon;  Captains  N.  Kingscote,  Lord  Burghersh, 
Hon.  L.  Curzon,  Hon.  E.  Gage,  Wetherall,  Stopford,  Hon.  S.  Calthorpe, 
E.  Gordon,  and  myself. 


6O         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE  1854 

him  in  a  tent,  induced  them  to  return  with  me.  A 
medical  officer  also  arrived.  We  gave  the  General 
some  wine  and  water  from  a  flask,  which  temporarily 
revived  him.  He  did  not  seem  to  suffer  pain,  gave 
me  many  messages  to  his  wife  and  daughter,  and 
begged  me  to  take  him  to  the  siege  train  camp, 
which  was  done.  Almost  his  last  words  were,  '  Take 
me  to  the  gunners,  let  me  die  amongst  the  gunners.' 
As  we  were  carrying  him  off  we  passed  the  body  of 
another  officer  on  a  stretcher,  and  it  proved  to  be 
that  of  Sir  George  Cathcart.  On  arrival  at  the 
hospital  tent,  General  Strangways  became  faint  and 
insensible  ;  it  was  evident  that  no  operation  could 
be  performed,  and  soon  afterwards  he  passed  away, 
with  wounded  gunners  lying  round  him,  Lord  Eaglan 
coming  to  see  him  just  before  he  died.  He  was 
much  beloved  and  respected  by  all  his  officers  and 
men,  and  his  death  at  such  a  critical  time  was  a 
great  misfortune.  When  General  Strangways  fell 
on  the  ridge,  his  horse  got  away  in  the  confusion, 
but  was  afterwards  recovered,  and  singularly  enough, 
was  untouched,  not  even  the  stirrup  leather  being 
cut. 

On  going  up  to  rejoin  Lord  Eaglan,  after  the  death 
of  Strangwa}^,  I  met  Sir  Edmund  Lyons,  Captain 
Drummond,  and  other  naval  officers  on  ponies,  and 
conducted  them,  at  their  request,  to  the  front.  Subse- 
quent to  the  events  just  sketched  out,  from  which 


1854  BRILLIANT   FIGHTING  6l 

it  will  be  apparent  that  our  position  was  very  critical, 
the  battle  still  continued  with  unabated  energy  for 
several  hours.  The  arrival  of  some  French  battalions 
and  batteries  under  Generals  Bosquet  and  Bourbaki, 
however,  gave  valuable  support  to  our  sorely  pressed 
troops,  and  Lord  Eaglan,  in  his  despatch  of  November 
8,  drew  special  attention  '  to  the  brilliant  conduct 
of  the  allied  troops.'  '  French  and  English,'  he  said, 
'  vied  with  each  other  in  displaying  their  gallantry 
and  manifesting  their  zealous  devotion  to  duty, 
notwithstanding  that  they  had  to  contend  against 
an  infinitely  superior  force,  and  were  exposed  for 
many  hours  to  a  very  galling  fire.  .  .  .'  General 
Canrobert  also  joined  Lord  Eaglan  on  the  field, 
and  was  again  slightly  wounded.  I  remember  his 
inquiring  of  me  how  many  guns  we  had  in  action, 
and  I  replied :  '  thirty-six,  in  addition  to  the  two 
18-pounders.' 

The  Eussian  account,  though  not  altogether 
correct,  is  worth  perusal.  It  says  :  '  The  battle  had 
now  attained  its  climax.  Most  of  the  English  generals 
were  hors  de  combat.  The  Britons,  sadly  reduced  in 
numbers  and  exhausted  by  the  struggle,  defended 
themselves  but  faintly.  More  and  more  the  fortunes 
of  the  day  inclined  to  the  Eussians.  It  was  about 
1 1  o'clock  when,  on  a  sudden,  the  shrill  tones  of  horns 
were  heard  above  the  rolling  and  rattling  of  the  fire. 
The  third  act,  the  turning  point  of  the  battle,  com- 


62         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE  1854 

menced.  The  French  arrived.  In  the  same  proportion 
as  the  assurance  of  their  timely  aid  revived  the 
sinking  spirits  of  the  English,  it  discouraged  the 
Eussians,  who  felt  themselves  at  once  on  the  point  of 
being  deprived  of  the  fruit  of  five  hours'  hard 
fighting.' 

About  noon  I  was  directed  by  Lord  Eaglan  to  go 
to  General  Codrington,  whose  brigade  was  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Careening  Bay  ravine,  to  inquire 
how  he  was  getting  on,  and  whether  he  required 
assistance.  Codrington's  brigade,  be  it  observed, 
was  on  the  very  ground  up  which  it  had  been  intended 
that  Soimonoff  should  advance.  I  found  his  troops 
lying  down,  and  temporarily  out  of  action.  General 
Codrington  informed  me  that  he  had  been  occasionally 
attacked  by  Eussian  troops  coming  suddenly  out  of 
the  ravine,  but  that  he  had  driven  them  back,  and 
that  they  were  not  in  great  force.  As  the  fog  was 
lifting  he  invited  me  to  go  with  him  some  distance 
to  the  front,  to  try  and  gain  a  better  general  view  of 
the  Eussian  position.  We  did  so,  and  looking  across 
the  ravine  to  Inkerman  were  able,  for  the  first  time, 
to  see  the  great  masses  of  the  enemy.  Whilst  care- 
fully observing  their  movements,  the  Eussian  batteries 
were  seen  to  be  retreating  in  echelon.  Codrington 
looked  at  his  watch — it  was  ten  minutes  to  one.  He 
then  desired  me  to  return  forthwith  to  Lord  Eaglan 
and  let  him  know  what  we  had  seen.  On  delivering 


1854  RETREAT   OF   THE   RUSSIANS  63 

the  message  to  the  Commander-in-Chief,  and  saying 
that  the  battle  seemed  coming  to  an  end,  his 
reply  was  :  '  Yes,  I  believe  so,'  showing  that  he  had 
already  become  aware  of  the  commencement  of  the 
retreat. 

Lord  Eaglan's  despatch,  speaking  of  the  latter 
part  of  the  battle,  said  :  '  Subsequently  to  this,  the 
battle  continued  with  unabated  vigour  and  with  no 
positive  result,  the  enemy  bringing  upon  our  line,  not 
only  the  fire  of  all  their  field  batteries,  but  those  in 
front  of  the  works  of  the  place,  and  the  ship  guns, 
till  the  afternoon,  when  the  symptoms  of  giving  way 
first  became  apparent;  and  shortly  after,  although 
the  fire  did  not  cease,  the  retreat  became  general,  and 
heavy  masses  were  observed  retiring  over  the  bridge 
of  the  Chernaya,  and  ascending  the  opposite  heights, 
abandoning  on  the  field  of  battle  5,000  or  6,000 
dead  and  wounded,  multitudes  of  the  latter  having 
already  been  carried  off  by  them.' 

The  Eussian  account  says :  '  Thus  ended  the  battle, 
one  of  the  most  sanguinary  on  record,  at  2  o'clock 
P.M.,  after  lasting  eight  hours.'  It  attributed  their 
defeat  partly  to  the  bravery  and  steadiness  of  the 
English  and  French  troops,  partly  to  the  superiority 
of  their  arms,  and  finally  to  the  wrong  direction  of 
Soimonoff.  When  it  is  considered  that  the  English 
had  only  8,000  infantry  and  38  guns  available  for  the 
defence  of  the  position,  and  with  this  small  force  had 


64         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY    LIFE  1854 

to  bear  the  brunt  in  all  the  earlier  hours  of  the  battle, 
it  is  not  necessary  to  dwell  on  the  courage  and 
discipline  of  the  officers  and  men  ;  the  facts  speak  for 
themselves.  And  the  quotation  I  have  given  from 
Lord  Eaglan's  despatch  is  sufficient  proof  of  the 
timely  support  and  great  gallantry  of  our  brave  allies. 

The  English  losses  were  very  serious  :  no  less  than 
eight  generals  and  2,614  officers  and  men  were  killed, 
wounded,  or  missing.1 

The  names  of  the  generals  are  as  follows  : 

(Sir  George  Cathcart 
Fox  Strangways 
Goldie 
/  Sir  George  Brown 

Adams,  died  of  his  wounds 
Woxinded  ",  Torrens,  died  of  his  wounds 

Bentinck 
\  Buller 

The  losses  of  the  Eussians  are  computed  to  have 
been  between  11,000  and  12,000.  We  also  captured 
one  gun-carriage  and  five  ammunition  carts,  left  on 
the  heights.  Our  allies,  the  French,  lost  about  930 
officers  and  men,  killed  and  wounded.  Late  at  night 
on  the  5th  I  was  sent  for  by  Lord  Eaglan,  who  wished 
for  information  as  to  the  supply  of  ammunition  at 
Inkerman,  in  the  event  of  a  second  attack.  H.E.H. 
the  Duke  of  Cambridge  was  with  him.  I  was  able  to 
give  a  satisfactory  statement,  and  to  inform  him  that 
Captain  Gage,  E.A.,  who  had  been  sent  during  the 

1  Eighty  artillery  horses  were  killed. 


1854  A   GUNNER'S   VICTORIA   CROSS  65 

battle  down  to  Balaclava  to  bring  up  a  large  supply, 
both  for  infantry  and  artillery,  had  just  returned, 
reporting  that  the  mill,  which  was  our  magazine  at 
the  front,  was  amply  stocked. 

It  appears  that  Prince  MenschikofF  and  two 
Eussian  Grand  Dukes  were  present  on  the  field  of 
Inkerman  during  the  day ;  and  that  reminds  me  of  a 
curious  incident  which  occurred  in  relation  to  one 
of  them  long  years  afterwards.  A  gunner  of  the 
Eoyal  Artillery  served  throughout  the  war,  and  was 
wounded,  receiving  the  Victoria  Cross  for  his  gallant 
conduct.  Subsequently  he  served  during  the  Indian 
mutiny,  and  was  again  wounded.  After  he  was  pen- 
sioned I  was  partially  instrumental  in  obtaining  for 
him  an  appointment  in  the  Yeomen  of  the  Guard. 
Being  on  one  occasion  on  duty  in  one  of  the  corridors 
of  Buckingham  Palace  (at  a  State  Ball,  if  I  remember 
rightly),  a  foreign  officer,  who  proved  to  be  a 
Eussian  Grand  Duke,  came  up,  spoke  to  him,  and 
examined  his  decorations.  He  asked  him  about  his 
Victoria  Cross,  and  then,  seeing  he  had  the  Crimean 
medal  and  clasp  for  Inkerman,  said :  '  Were  you  at 
that  battle  ?  '  '  Yes,  sir,'  was  the  reply.  '  So  was  I,' 
said  the  Grand  Duke.  The  old  Yeoman,  in  telling  me 
the  story,  said  he  thought  he  might  be  so  bold,  so  he 
replied  to  the  Grand  Duke,  '  Well,  sir,  if  you  was  at 
Inkerman,  I  hope  we  may  never  meet  again  on  so 
unpleasant  an  occasion.' 

F 


66         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE  1854 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE   WINTEE   OF    1854 

WHATEVER  hopes  or  expectations  might  have  been 
previously  entertained  as  to  the  speedy  fall  of  Sebas- 
topol,  the  battle  of  Inkerman,  at  all  events,  utterly 
and  rudely  dispelled  them.  The  facts  were  now  plain 
enough — nearly  100,000  Russians  were  on  the  spot, 
with  an  almost  unlimited  supply  of  guns  and  ammu- 
nition to  defend  their  city,  whilst  the  allies  had  not 
much  more  than  half  the  number  of  men  ;  and  their 
siege  material  was  nearly  worn  out  and  its  ammuni- 
tion expended.  The  fortresses  in  the  Mediterranean 
might  in  some  degree  help  us  to  replenish  our  bat- 
teries, but  there  was  no  hope  of  efficient  operations 
being  renewed  until  the  allied  armies  had  been 
largely  reinforced,  both  with  men  and  material. 
Months  must  thus  elapse,  during  which  time  the 
enemy  would  have  leisure  to  strengthen  their  arma- 
ments and  complete  their  defences.  Thus  the  first 
attempt  on  Sebastopol  had  failed.  But  even  these 
were  by  no  means  the  worst  features  of  the  case. 
The  allies  had  open  trenches  to  maintain,  and  at  the 


i854     CIRCUMSTANCES   OF   THE   ENGLISH   ARMY       67 

same  moment  a  widely  extended  frontier  to  guard 
from  attack. 

It  is  as  well  to  pause  for  a  moment  and  to  consider 
the  circumstances  of  the  English  army  at  the  time. 
In  the  first  place  the  force  sent  to  the  East  had  been 
raised  with  difficulty,  was  quite  inadequate  to  the 
occasion,  and  was  insufficiently  provided  with  com- 
missariat and  transport.  Mr.  Sidney  Herbert,  Minister 
for  War,  said  :  '  The  army  in  the  East  has  been 
created  by  discounting  the  future.  Every  regiment 
at  home  or  within  reach,  and  not  forming  part  of  the 
army,  has  been  robbed  to  complete  it.'  Again,  it  was 
entirely  devoid  of  reserves.  The  House  of  Commons 
Committee  of  1855  reported  '  that  the  men  sent  to 
reinforce  the  army  were  recruits  who  had  not  yet 
become  fit  for  foreign  service.  When  the  Duke  of 
Newcastle  acquainted  Lord  Eaglan  that  he  had  2,000 
recruits  to  send  him,  he  replied  that  those  last  sent 
were  so  young  and  unformed  that  they  fell  victims  to 
disease,  and  were  swept  away  like  flies — he  preferred 
to  wait  .  .  .' 

We  must,  however,  go  further.  It  will  be  remem- 
bered that  the  expedition  proceeded  to  the  Crimea  at 
a  late  season,  and  after  much  sickness  at  Varna,  in 
obedience  to  the  orders  of  the  Home  Government — 
who  apparently  did  not  foresee  the  probability  of  a 
winter  campaign  with  open  trenches  before  a  half- 
beleaguered  city,  and  the  inevitable  hardships  and 

F  "2 


68         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE  1854 

losses  which  must  ensue.  For  some  time  during  the 
winter  of  1854  the  English  army  was  diminishing  from 
invaliding  and  casualties  at  the  rate  of  100  men  a  day. 
In  short  the  winter  was  upon  them,  and  standing  on 
the  bare  plateau,  with  greatly  diminished  numbers, 
several  miles  from  their  base,  and  without  proper 
food,  shelter,  or  clothing,  they  must  now  be  prepared 
to  maintain  their  dangerous  position.  A  considera- 
tion of  these  circumstances  will  enable  us  to  form 
some  idea  of  the  difficult  position  of  Lord  Eaglan 
at  that  time.  He  had,  moreover,  other  anxieties 
pressing  upon  him — anxieties  of  divided  councils, 
and  of  indecision  in  his  French  colleague — who, 
however  brave  as  a  soldier,  allowed  himself  to  be 
swayed  and  overborne  by  incessant  and  rash  pro- 
posals from  Paris,  and  even  by  subordinates  on  the 
spot.  These  latter  facts  were  not  generally  known 
at  the  time,  and  the  people  of  England  were  misled  ; 
but  in  proof  of  them  I  will  shortly  enter  into  some  de- 
tails, quoting  official  documents  published  afterwards. 
There  is  almost  always  an  element  of  weakness  in 
allied  operations,  but  during  the  earlier  part  of  the 
Crimean  War  they  became  more  than  usually  ap- 
parent and  mischievous. 

On  the  death  of  General  Strangways,  Colonel 
Dacres  l  succeeded  to  the  command  of  the  artillery, 
and  one  morning  soon  after,  he  waited  on  Lord 

1  The  late  Field-Marshal  Sir  Richard  Dacres,  G.C.B. 


1854  A   TERRIFIC   GALE  69 

Eaglan,  who,  in  his  usual  good-natured  way,  asked 
him  how  he  was  getting  on.  'My  Lord,'  said 
Dacres,  'when  a  man  has  been  twenty-one  years  a 
subaltern,  he  never  can  get  on.'  However,  his  turn 
came  at  last.  At  the  beginning  of  1855  he  was 
only  a  Lieutenant-Colonel,  but  before  the  year  was  at 
an  end  he  had  been  promoted  to  Colonel,  Brigadier- 
General,  Major-Greiieral,  and  Lieutenant-General,  and 
had  received  the  Order  of  the  Bath,  the  Legion  of 
Honour,  the  Medjidi,  and  an  Italian  order. 

^The  English  army  had  hardly  begun  to  realise 
the  difficulties  and  sufferings  it  was  destined  to 
endure  throughout  the  winter  when  an  additional 
misfortune  was  caused  by  a  terrific  gale  on  Nov- 
ember 14,  during  which  no  less  than  fifteen  trans- 
ports containing  clothing,  food,  ammunition,  forage, 
and  other  stores  were  sunk  in  the  Black  Sea.  A 
large  number  of  tents  on  the  plateau  were  also 
blown  down,  and  great  misery  ensued.  Notwith- 
standing all  our  troubles,  there  were  occasional 
incidents  of  an  odd  and  amusing  kind,  which  now 
and  then  helped  to  enliven  us.  Among  others  was 
one  relating  to  a  dead  man,  who  came  to  life  and 
appeared  at  Woolwich.  Soon  after  our  arrival  be- 
fore Sebastopol  it  was  found  that  many  men  of  the 
different  regiments  were  unaccounted  for,  some 
having  died  on  the  march,  others  been  carried  on 
board  ship  sick,  and  some  taken  prisoners.  Courts 


7O         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE  1854 

of  Inquiry  were  held,  and  as  regards  the  artillery 
the  results  sent  home.  Some  time  afterwards  a 
letter  was  received  from  the  Horse  Guards  that  a 
Gunner  Brown,  who  was-  reported  as  dead,  had 
arrived  at  Woolwich,  and  an  explanation  was  re- 
quested. The  officer  commanding  the  battery,  in 
reply  to  the  query,  stated  to  the  effect  '  that  Brown 
was  an  old  comrade  of  his,  that  he  had  visited 
him  when  he  was  dying,  and  attended  his  funeral ; 
therefore,'  he  said,  '  I  know  he  is  dead,  and  am 
surprised  to  hear  of  his  return  to  Woolwich,  but  am 
not  responsible  for  his  subsequent  movements.' 

On  December  26  I  had  the  gratification  of  re- 
ceiving a  note  from  Lord  Eaglan  of  which  the  follow- 
ing is  a  copy :  '  December  26,  1854.  My  dear 
Adye, — I  have  great  satisfaction  in  announcing  your 
promotion  to  the  rank  of  Lieutenant  Colonel,  and 
that  of  Captains  Fortescue,  Gordon,  and  Gage  to  the 
rank  of  Major.  Captains  Paynter,1  Wodehouse, 
Maude,  Swinton,  D'Aguilar,  Brandling,  Turner, 
Anderson,  Morris,  Hamley,  Hoste,  Yates,  and  Penny- 
cuick  have  also  got  a  step.  A  pretty  Christmas  box 
for  you  all.  Pray  accept  my  congratulations,  and 
offer  them  to  Captains  Fortescue,  Gordon,  and  Gage. 
Yours  faithfully,  Eaglan.' 

The  rations  served  out  by  the  Commissariat 
during  the  winter  of  1854  were  not  very  varied  or 

1  These  were  all  artillery  officers. 


1854  LIMITED   ACCOMMODATION  71 

specially  inviting,  and  consisted  chiefly  of  lumps  of 
salt  beef  or  pork  (with  occasional  fresh  meat),  ship's 
biscuits  and  rum,  but  no  bread  or  milk.  Luxuries 
of  any  kind  were  difficult  to  obtain  at  Balaclava, 
and  were  expensive.  A  ham  cost  two  guineas,  beer 
three  shillings  a  bottle,  and  so  on.  Our  chief  diffi- 
culty, however,  was  fuel.  There  were  several 
English  travellers,  called  T.G.'s  (travelling  gentle- 
men), who  paid  the  Crimea  a  visit  during  the  winter. 
On  one  occasion  I  was  asked  if  I  would  entertain  one 
of  these  travellers  at  dinner,  as  the  Headquarters' 
Farm  was  full  and  the  accommodation  limited,  and 
of  course  consented.  My  friend  turned  out  to  be 
an  old  gentleman  of  position  and  large  fortune,  but 
of  delicate  health,  and  was  accompanied  by  a  valet. 
What  induced  him  to  come  out  at  such  a  time  is 
inexplicable.  As  my  tent  was  rather  larger  than  the 
others,  the  three  or  four  officers  of  the  Artillery  Staff 
usually  dined  together  in  it.  The  table  was  a  plank, 
and  the  seats  chiefly  empty  boxes  on  end.  As  soon 
as  our  friend  arrived,  dinner  was  served,  cooked,  of 
course,  in  a  hole  in  the  open  air,  and  consisted  of  a 
lump  of  salt  pork,  more  or  less  boiled.  It  was 
soon  apparent  that  the  old  gentleman  was  making  a 
wretched  effort,  and  I  tried  to  encourage  him  with  a 
glass  of  rum  and  some  biscuit ;  but  he  said  he  had  a 
poor  appetite,  which  was  evident.  Presently  he 
turned  round  to  me  and  said,  '  You  won't  be  offended, 


72          RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY    LIFE  1854 

will  you  ?  '  I  replied,  '  Not  in  the  least.  What  is 
it  ?  '  *  Well,'  he  said,  '  I  don't  mind  for  myself,  but 
I  know  my  valet  can't  eat  salt  pork  ;  if  I  were 
to  give  him  a  sovereign,  do  you  think  he  could 
go  to  some  place  of  refreshment  near,  and  buy 
some  food  ? '  I  assured  him  that  there  was  nothing 
better  to  be  had  nearer  than  Constantinople, 
which  was  several  hundred  miles  away.  After 
that  he  collapsed,  and  left  for  England  the  next 
morning. 

The  history  of  the  siege  for  the  next  few  months 
is  a  record  of  hardships  and  privations  nobly  borne. 
The  officers  and  men  of  the  naval  brigade,  the  artil- 
lery and  infantry,  who  had  to  take  their  turn  of 
duty  in  the  trenches  for  twenty-four  hours  at  a  time, 
were  the  chief  sufferers ;  having  to  lie  in  muddy 
ditches  and  batteries,  without  shelter,  with  scanty 
clothing,  and  very  indifferent  food.  There  were 
officers  and  men,  however,  in  all  branches  of  the 
service  who,  in  spite  of  hardships,  went  through 
the  whole  siege  and  never  missed  a  tour  of  duty. 
In  January  1855  the  English  sick  list  amounted  to 
13,000  men.  The  country  was  often  deep  in  snow, 
and  the  road  to  Balaclava  became  almost  impassable. 
Four  fifths  of  the  artillery  horses  died. 

Pending  the  arrival  of  wooden  huts  from  England 
several  officers  dug  holes  in  the  ground,  and  by 
means  of  planks  and  tarpaulins  obtained  rather 


i855  A   RECORD    OF   PRIVATIONS  73 

better  shelter  than  was  afforded  by  a  tent.  Among 
others,  Colonel  Wood,  E.A.,1  constructed  a  rough  hut 
of  the  kind.  He  had  brought  out  a  French  cook, 
whom  he  accommodated  in  the  hut,  living  himself  in 
a  covered  cart.  On  being  asked  his  object  in  this 
arrangement,  his  reply  was  that  if  he  could  save  the 
life  of  the  cook,  the  latter  in  return  would  do  the 
same  for  him  by  giving  him  good  food,  otherwise 
both  would  probably  perish.  His  precaution  proved 
successful.  Warm  clothing,  in  large  quantities, 
was  sent  out  from  England,  and  as  the  weather 
began  to  hold  up  in  February  the  condition  of  the 
troops  gradually  improved.  In  addition  to  Govern- 
ment supplies,  many  persons  in  England,  deeply 
affected  by  the  sufferings  of  the  army,  sent  out  bales 
of  mitts,  comforters,  flannels,  under-garments,  and 
even  plum  puddings.  Occasionally  the  distribution 
was  somewhat  embarrassing.  For  instance,  on  one 
occasion,  in  opening  some  parcels  for  the  artillery, 
we  found  a  warm  pair  of  drawers  ticketed,  *  For  the 
brave  Jones  in  the  trenches.'  Who  was  the  brave 
Jones  ?  We  also  sometimes  received  curious  letters 
and  inquiries  about  artillerymen,  of  which  the  fol- 
lowing is  an  example  : — '  To  the  Eight  Honourable 
Colonel,  Commanding  the  12th  Battalion  Eoyal 
Artillery,  field  of  Battle,  Crimea.  Your  Honour — 
Your  Petitioner  is  extremely  anxious  to  know  it 

1  The  late  General  Sir  David  Wood,  G.C.B.,  R.H.A. 


74         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE          1855 

James  Winch  under  your  command  is  still  alive,  if 
otherwise,  by  sword  or  epidemic.' 

Subsequently  to  the  great  battle  of  November  5 
it  became  evident  that  the  English  army,  which  was 
so  rapidly  diminishing  in  numbers,  could  not  ade- 
quately guard  the  positions  at  Balaclava  and  on  the 
heights,  in  addition  to  the  hard  work  in  the  trenches. 
Consequently,  the  ridges  and  slopes  of  Inkerrnan 
were  gradually  occupied  by  a  portion  of  the  French 
army.  The  Eussians,  ever  on  the  alert,  came  out 
in  February,  arid  established  outworks  near  the 
harbour,  beyond  the  Careening  Bay  ravine — known 
subsequently  as  the  '  ouvrages  blancs ' — and  it  be- 
came necessary  to  dislodge  them.  The  duty  was 
undertaken  by  the  French,  and  on  the  night  of 
February  23,  after  a  severe  fight,  in  which  they 
suffered  considerable  loss,  the  position  was  captured, 
but  was  not  held,  so  that  a  few  days  afterwards  it 
was  again  occupied  and  strengthened  by  the 
Eussians ;  and  it  is  important  to  bear  in  mind  that 
no  further  attempt  was  made  to  dislodge  them  until 
after  General  Canrobert  had  resigned  his  command 
at  the  end  of  May.  In  fact,  the  Eussians,  who  had 
received  large  reinforcements,  became  more  bold  and 
aggressive  daily,  and  during  March  commenced  and 
armed  a  formidable  outwork  on  the  Mamelon,  con- 
siderably in  advance  of  the  Malakoff.  Their  night 
sorties  against  the  trenches  of  the  allies  were  both 


1855  THE   RUSSIANS   AGGRESSIVE  75 

vigorous  and  frequent,  with  severe  losses  on  all  sides. 
It  is  computed  that  the  Russian  army  in  April 
amounted  to  nearly  150,000  men. 

The  English  batteries  during  the  long  severe 
winter  only  maintained  a  desultory  fire  on  the  city, 
waiting  for  fresh  armaments ;  and  as  ammunition 
ran  short  we  had  frequently  to  obtain  supplies  from 
the  navy  for  current  use.  I  was  sent  on  many 
occasions  to  Admiral  Sir  Edmund  Lyons  in  connec- 
tion with  these  details.  On  one  occasion,  on  being 
shown  into  his  cabin  on  board  the  flagship,  he  said : 
'  Colonel  Adye,  whenever  I  see  your  face  it  always 
reminds  me  of  a  68-pounder  shot.'  I  thought  at  first 
he  meant  that  it  was  too  round,  or  was  wanting  in 
expression,  and  began  to  explain  that  I  was  not 
altogether  responsible ;  but  he  said  it  was  not  that, 
but  whenever  I  came  to  see  him  I  always  wanted  a 
fresh  supply  of  68-pounder  shot.  My  reply  was  that 
he  had  exactly  foreseen  my  request,  and  promised  if 
he  would  meet  our  wishes  they  should  be  safely 
delivered  the  next  day  into  Sebastopol.  The 
argument  convinced  him,  and  he  complied  at  once. 

Flag  of  Truce. — The  following  extract  from 
my  journal  refers  to  rather  an  interesting  event. 
'  23rd  of  March.  Accompanied  Lord  Burghersh, 
A.D.C.,  with  a  flag  of  truce,  by  order  of  Lord  Raglan. 
We  first  went  to  the  advanced  French  trenches  on 
the  left,  near  the  sea,  hoisted  a  white  flag,  and 


76         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE  1855 

sounded  a  bugle.  In  a  few  minutes  firing  ceased 
on  both  sides.  We  stepped  over  the  parapet, 
advanced  about  100  yards,  and  were  met  by  the 
enemy's  riflemen  out  of  their  pits.  A  Eussian 
officer  on  horseback,  with  two  orderlies,  galloped  out 
to  meet  us,  dismounted,  and  the  conversation  was 
then  carried  on  in  French.  We  handed  him  some 
letters,  clothes,  and  money  for  French  and  English 
officers  who  had  been  taken  prisoners,  also  a  letter 
for  Madame  Osten-Sacken  from  Lord  Eaglan.  His 
letter  enclosed  one  from  the  mother  of  the  midship- 
man (Giffard)  who  was  killed  in  the  fight  at  Odessa. 
It  appears  that  Madame  Osten-Sacken  had  cut  off  a 
lock  of  the  poor  boy's  hair,  and  had  sent  it  to  his 
mother,  who  sent  a  letter  of  thanks.  We  offered  the 
Eussian  officer  a  cigar,  which  he  declined,  and  we  also 
asked  him  a  few  questions,  but  his  manner  was  stiff, 
and  he  shortly  remounted  and  rode  off.  We  re- 
turned to  the  trenches ;  the  white  flag  was  pulled 
down,  and  firing  re-commenced.  The  French  soldiers 
were  always  cheerful  and  good-natured  in  their 
monotonous  duties.  Lord  Burghersh,  as  we  passed 
along  through  their  trenches,  heard  two  of  them 
chatting.  One,  looking  over  the  parapet,  said  to  his 
comrade  :  "  Alphonse,  etes-vous  pret  ?  "  "  Oui,  mon 
ami,  toujours  pret."  "  Eh  bien  !  Aliens  faire  la 
guerre ; "  and  then  they  both  jumped  up  and  fired 
away  through  the  loop-holes  at  the  Eussians.' 


i855  ARRIVAL   OF   REINFORCEMENTS  77 

During  the  month  of  March  strenuous  efforts 
were  made  by  the  allies  to  prepare  for  a  second 
bombardment,  and,  fresh  armaments  having  arrived, 
it  was  decided  to  re-open  with  nearly  500  guns  on 
April  9.  It  was,  however,  at  this  period  that  con- 
siderable hesitation  and  conflicting  opinions  became 
more  or  less  evident  at  French  Head  Quarters.  It 
was  understood  that  the  Emperor  of  the  French 
would  shortly  arrive  and  take  the  command,  and  De 
Bazancourt,  in  his  history  of  the  campaign,  states 
that  General  Canrobert  received  secret  instructions 
which  tied  his  hands.  Their  general  scope  was  that 
the  siege  should  be  turned  into  a  blockade,  and  a 
campaign  undertaken  in  the  interior  of  the  Crimea.1 
The  French  army  had  about  this  time  received  large 
reinforcements,  and  was  divided  into  two  corps,  one 
under  Bosquet  on  the  extreme  right,  the  other  under 
General  Pelissier  (who  arrived  in  March)  on  the  left ; 
the  English  holding  the  centre  of  the  position.  The 
French  strength  was  estimated  at  about  80,000  men. 
Omar  Pasha  also  arrived  in  April  with  20,000 
Turkish  troops.  Great  events  were  therefore 
anticipated. 

1  The  history  of  the  Crimean  campaign  by  the  Baron  de  Bazancourt 
is  often  incorrect,  and  sometimes  unjust  as  regards  the  British  army, 
and  is  therefore  not  altogether  to  be  relied  on.  But  in  his  account  of 
the  French  views  and  proposals  he  has  more  complete  knowledge,  and, 
in  fact,  usually  quotes  official  documents,  and  I  have  therefore  made 
some  quotations  from  his  work,  especially  as  to  this  critical  juncture. 


78         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE  1855 


CHAPTER  VIII 


ON  April  9  the  second  bombardment,  for  which 
such  incessant  preparations  had  been  made  during 
the  winter,  at  length  commenced,  and  was  vigorously 
maintained  for  the  following  ten  days  ;  and  although 
the  Russians  carried  out  numerous  sorties,  and  were 
also  unceasing  each  night  in  repairing  their  shattered 
batteries,  still  it  became  evident  that  the  allies  had 
achieved  a  virtual  mastery  and  had  laid  open  paths 
for  a  general  assault.  It  was  a  momentous  crisis. 
As  regards  the  condition  of  Sebastopol  at  that  time, 
Todleben,  writing  of  the  Bastion  du  Mat,  said  1  '  that 
after  having  undergone  a  constant  and  violent  bom- 
bardment, the  work  was  in  a  desperate  plight.  Its 
artillery  had  been  dismounted,  its  embrasures  and  its 
merlons  almost  entirely  demolished,  and  a  part  of 
its  salient  had  fallen  in,'  .  .  '  that  they  were  con- 
stantly expecting  to  see  the  enemy  take  advantage  of 
the  critical  state  to  which  the  bastion  was  reduced, 
and  advance  to  the  assault  of  the  work.'  He  adds, 

1  Kinglake,  vii.  192. 


1855  MYSTERIOUS    INACTION  79 

that  the  French  might  have  advanced  to  the  assault 
of  the  bastion  with  an  absolute  certainty  of  success 
.  .  .  and  that  would  have  carried  with  it  the  fall  of 
Sebastopol.'  .  .  . 

The  allied  armies  were  indeed  in  full  expectation 
of  being  at  length  led  to  the  assault,  and  the  result 
was  almost  a  foregone  conclusion,  but  no  order  was 
issued  and  no  decisive  action  taken.  The  real  his- 
tory of  the  case  was  not  known  at  the  time,  but 
the  accounts  published  by  De  Bazancourt  in  1856, 
and  confirmed  long  afterwards  by  Kinglake's  account, 
have  cleared  up  the  mystery.  De  Bazancourt  1  said  : 
1  La  pensee  d'une  operation  a  1'exterieur  planait  tou- 
jours,  on  le  voit,  sur  les  decisions,  et  empechait  de 
tenter  contre  la  place  une  action  decisive.  Les  in- 
structions secretes  du  general  Canrobert  lui  liaient 
les  mains,  a  moins  de  force  majeure.'  Again,  he 
quotes  a  despatch  of  Canrobert  of  April  24  as  fol- 
lows :  '  Les  officiers  generaux  des  armes  speciales 
des  deux  armees,  les  chefs  de  nos  deux  corps  d'armee, 
ont  ete  unanimes  pour  ceder  dans  cette  circonstance 
aux  cris  de  nos  soldats  franc,ais  et  anglais,  demandant 
1'assaut.  Lord  Eaglan  partage  fermement  leur  avis. 
J'ai  pense  que  mon  devoir  etait  de  m'y  joindre.  .  .  .' 
It  seems  remarkable,  considering  the  unanimity 
which  prevailed  amongst  the  allied  generals,  and  that 
the  French  Commander-in-Chief  himself  said  he  felt 

1  Bazancourt,  ii.  239-242. 


80         RECOLLECTIONS    OF  A    MILITARY   LIFE  1855 

it  his  duty  to  join  them,  that  no  assault  took  place. 
Kinglake,1  however,  by  means  of  French  official  docu- 
ments brought  to  light  after  the  fall  of  the  Empire, 
proves  that  General  Canrobert  was  in  reality  held 
back  by  instructions  from  Paris  and  by  the  influence 
of  General  Niel,  and,  in  view  of  the  expected 
arrival  of  the  Emperor,  would  not  join  in  a  general 
assault. 

Lord  Eaglan  had  apparently  been  informed  of  the 
expected  arrival  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  which  he 
considered  ill-advised,  but  both  he  and  the  English 
Government  were  kept  for  some  time  in  the  dark  as 
to  the  special  instructions  which  fettered  the  action 
of  General  Canrobert.  Various  interviews  took  place 
towards  the  end  of  April  between  the  two  Com- 
manders-in-Chief,  and  in  my  journal  I  find  a  remark 
as  follows :  '  Met  Lord  Eaglan  out  riding ;  he  in- 
vited me  to  dinner,  but  added  :  "  Canrobert  is  coming 
to  a  Council  of  War  at  half-past  six,  so  we  shall  be 
late."  The  Council  did  not  break  up  till  ten  P.M.' 

Days  thus  passed  away,  and  the  allies  were 
gradually  losing  the  opportunity  for  which  they 
had  so  long  waited.  In  fact,  the  second  bombard- 
ment of  Sebastopol  failed,  from  causes,  however, 
very  different  from  those  which  prevailed  in  the 
first.  In  October,  1854,  our  failure  was  due  to 
want  of  power ;  in  April,  1855,  it  was  from  want  of 

1  Kinglake,  vii.  121. 


1855  A   NEW  ACTOR   ON   THE   SCENE  8 1 

will.     Events,  however,  were  hurrying  on,  and  the 
crisis  soon  came. 

Towards  the  end  of  April  the  Emperor  Napoleon  l 
relinquished  his  intention  of  coming  to  the  Crimea,  but 
sent  out  his  proposed  plan  of  an  external  campaign, 
to  which,  however,  Lord  Eaglan  strongly  objected.2 
Whilst  matters  thus  drifted,  and  whilst  the  batteries 
of  the  allies  were  again  becoming  weak  and  their 
ammunition  exhausted,  a  new  actor  appeared  on  the 
scene  in  the  person  of  General  Pelissier,  who  was 
commanding  the  French  corps  darmee  on  the  left. 
Amongst  other  matters,  he  pointed  out  to  Canrobert 
in  clear  and  forcible  language  3  that  the  Eussians  were 
establishing  counter  approaches  in  his  front,  and  that 
he,  and  those  under  him,  were  fully  convinced  that 
the  enemy's  new  position  must  be  taken  by  a  coup 
de  main.  He  concluded  :  '  S'il  m'etait  donner  de 
decider,  je  n'hesiterais  pas.'  General  Canrobert 
wavered,  but  at  length  accepted  the  responsibility, 
and  the  order  for  the  attack  was  given  for  May  1.  In 
my  journal  is  a  record  as  follows  :  '  Ee turned  from 
Balaclava  about  10  o'clock  P.M.  on  the  1st  of  May 
and  had  an  interview  with  Lord  Eaglan.  Lord  Strat- 
ford was  there,  when  a  message  came  that  a  severe 
battle  was  going  on  in  front  of  the  French  trenches 


1  Kinglake,  vii.  245,  and  De  Bazancourt,  ii.  266. 

2  De  Bazancourt,  ii.  266-274. 

3  Ibid.  ii.  252. 

G 


82          RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE  1855 

near  the  sea.  We  went  off  to  a  post  of  observation. 
The  scene  was  striking.  The  sky  was  lit  up  with 
constant  flashes — shells  whizzing  through  the 
air ;  and  amidst  the  incessant  rattle  of  musketry 
could  be  heard  the  cheers  of  the  troops  as  they 
stormed  the  works.  It  lasted  four  hours.  Canrobert 
was  with  us,  walking  up  and  down,  flourishing  his 
stick  and  greatly  excited.  The  result  was  that  the 
French  captured  an  outwork,  and  took  eight  mortars, 
and  also  five  officers  prisoners.' 

In  addition  to  the  many  difficulties  of  Lord 
Eaglan's  position  at  this  time,  he  was  also  much 
worried  by  receiving  a  notification  that  Lord 
Panmure  was  about  to  abolish  the  Master-General 
and  Board  of  Ordnance,  and  to  absorb  their  duties 
in  the  newly  constructed  War  Department.  Speak- 
ing to  me  one  day,  he  deplored  the  change,  and 
said  that  the  Ordnance  was  one  of  the  most  efficient 
and  economical  departments  of  the  State,  and  that 
a  much  greater  man  than  himself,  the  late  Duke  of 
Wellington,  was  of  the  same  opinion.1 

In  the  meantime,  Lord  Eaglan,  backed  by  the 
opinions  of  Admirals  Bruat  and  Sir  Edmund  Lyons, 
strongly  advocated  a  naval  and  military  force  being 
sent  to  Kertch  at  the  entrance  to  the  Sea  of  Azov, 
with  a  view  of  cutting  the  Eussian  communications 
and  stopping  their  supplies ;  and  the  expedition, 

1  See  also  Clode's  Military  Forces  of  the  Croivn,  ii.  237. 


1855        GENERAL   CANROBERT'S   RESIGNATION  83 

consisting  of  about  12,000  troops  (one-fourth  being 
English)  started  at  the  beginning  of  May.  Hardly 
had  it  got  out  to  sea  than  General  Canrobert  received 
an  order  by  telegraph  from  Paris  to  concentrate  all 
his  troops  for  an  external  attack,  and  in  consequence 
recalled  the  Kertch  expedition,  to  the  dismay,  not 
only  of  Lord  Eaglan,  but  of  the  admirals  and  generals, 
and  indeed  of  the  officers  and  men  of  the  allied  fleets 
and  armies.1  Matters  were  evidently  coming  to  a 
deadlock. 

Pn  May  14  Lord  Eaglan,  Canrobert,  and  Omar 
Pasha  had  a  long  and  final  consultation  as  to  the 
proposal  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  which  was  in 
effect  to  separate  the  allied  forces  into  three  armies 
acting  independently — one  to  blockade  Sebastopol, 
the  second  to  storm  the  Mackenzie  Heights,  and  the 
third  to  march  to  the  centre  of  the  Crimea.  The 
scheme  was  rejected  on  the  broad  ground  that  it 
would  render  each  separate  force  liable  to  attack  and 
defeat  in  detail.2  This  decision  brought  affairs  to  a 
crisis,  and  on  May  1 6  General  Canrobert  telegraphed 
to  the  Emperor  resigning  his  command,  partly  on 
the  plea  of  ill  health,  but  chiefly  because  his  recall 
of  the  Kertch  expedition  and  the  rejection  of  the 
Emperor's  scheme  had  placed  him  in  a  false  posi- 
tion.3 General  Canrobert's  resignation  was  accepted, 

1  Kinglake,  vii.  260-273. 

8  Kinglake,  vii.  287  ;  also  De  Bazancourt,  ii.  273-276. 

3  Ibid.  278. 

o  2 


84         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE  1855 

and  by  his  own  wish  he  resumed  command  of  his 
old  division. 

On  May  19  General  Pelissier  was  appointed 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  French  army,  and  the 
situation  was  at  once  completely  altered.  Writing 
to  Marshal  Vaillant,  Minister  for  War  at  Paris,  he 
said  :  '  I  have  already  seen  Lord  Eaglan,  and  we  are 
in  complete  accord ;  please  ask  the  Emperor  to  give 
me  liberty  of  action  indispensable  under  the  actual 
conditions  of  the  war,  and  especially  in  view  of  the 
preservation  of  the  intimate  alliance  of  the  two 
countries.'  Efforts,  however,  were  still  made  from 
Paris  to  regulate  the  strategy  of  the  campaign,  but 
they  were  virtually  disregarded,  and  General  Pelissier, 
acting  with  Lord  Eaglan,  in  the  course  of  a  few 
days  carried  out  a  series  of  important  movements 
which  put  an  end  not  only  to  the  delays  and  dis- 
appointments that  had  so  long  trammelled  the  actions 
of  the  allies,  but  entirely  altered  the  conditions  of 
the  campaign.  The  strength  of  the  allies  towards 
the  end  of  May  was  approximately  as  follows : 

French 100,000 

English 25,000 

Sardinians 15,000 

Turks 45,000 

May  18. — Accompanied  Lord  Eaglan  and  La 
Marmora  round  the  English  trenches. 

The  first  movement  by  Pelissier  was  a  renewed 
attack  on  the  Eussian  counter  approaches  in  front  of 


1855  GENERAL   PELISSIER'S    SUCCESS  85 

the  French  left,  on  the  night  of  May  23  ;  and  as, 
owing  to  the  desperate  nature  of  the  fighting,  the 
object  was  not  fully  accomplished  he  refused  an 
armistice  to  bury  the  dead,  and  followed  it  up  the 
following  evening  with  complete  success,  and  his 
troops  then  entrenched  themselves  in  the  captured 
cemetery.  I  accompanied  Lord  Eaglan  and  Omar 
Pasha  on  the  second  night  to  the  French  post  of 
observation.  The  losses  on  both  sides  were  very 
severe,  being  computed  at  2,303  on  the  part  of  the 
French,  and  at  3,081  of  the  Eussians.1 

On  May  25  General  Canrobert  was  ordered  to 
take  up  the  line  of  the  Chernaya,  which  he  accom- 
plished with  ease  and  almost  without  loss.  In  this 
operation  he  was  assisted  by  the  Sardinians  under  La 
Marmora,  who  had  arrived  some  days  previously.  I 
remember  riding  in  the  morning  down  to  the 
Chernaya  with  Lord  Eaglan  and  his  staff  on  the 
occasion.  General  Canrobert  galloped  up  to  meet 
him,  in  the  highest  spirits,  and  speaking  in  French 
said :  '  My  Lord,  when  I  was  a  great  man  and 
Commander-in-Chief  you  used  to  come  and  visit  me, 
and  now  when  I  am  only  commanding  a  division  you 
again  come  to  see  me.'  Lord  Eaglan,  in  reply,  ex- 
pressed his  pleasure  that  Canrobert  had  gained  so 
extended  a  position,  and  with  such  trifling  loss.  He 
afterwards  joined  General  La  Marmora,  and  made 

1  Kinglake,  viii.  25. 


86          RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE  1855. 

a  reconnoissance  towards  Baidar,  being  altogether 
ten  hours  in  the  saddle.  This  movement  in  advance 
was  of  the  greatest  benefit  to  the  allies,  who,  instead 
of  being  cooped  up  in  a  corner,  had  now  ample 
space  in  a  fertile  valley,  with  plenty  of  grass,  fuel> 
and  fresh  water  at  their  disposal. 

On  May  24  the  expedition  to  Kertch  re-embarked^ 
and  sailed  the  following  day.  It  consisted  of  7,000 
French,  3,000  English,  and  5,000  Turks,  with  5 
batteries  of  artillery,  and  was  attended  with  complete 
success.  Kertch  and  Yenikale  were  captured  with- 
out loss,  the  Eussians  retreating,  after  destroying 
large  depots  of  supplies,  &c.  A  considerable  number 
of  guns  were  taken,  the  Sea  of  Azov  was  opened  to 
our  fleets,  and  the  enemy's  communications  inter- 
rupted. Sir  Edmund  Lyons  reported  that  in  four 
days  the  squadron  had  destroyed  241  vessels  em- 
ployed in  transporting  provisions  to  the  Crimea, 
besides  four  war  steamers  and  six  million  rations  of 
flour  and  corn.1 

1  Lord  Raglan's  despatch,  June  2,  1855. 


CHAPTEE  IX 

CAPTURE    OF    THE    MAMELON    AND    QUAKRIES — INTERVIEW 
WITH   GENERAL    PEL1SSIER 

THE  next  combined  action  of  the  allied  forces  took 
place  against  the  Mamelon,  the  ouvrages  blancs,  and 
the  quarries  in  front  of  the  Eedan.  As  the  capture 
of  these  important  outworks  involved  not  only  a 
partial  re-armament  of  the  siege  batteries  and  a 
renewal  of  their  munitions,  but  also  a  careful  con- 
sideration of  engineer  arrangements,  some  short  delay 
necessarily  followed  before  decisive  action  could  be 
taken.  Towards  the  end  of  May  a  meeting  was 
arranged  to  take  place  at  the  French  head  quarters 
between  the  senior  artillery  and  engineer  officers  of 
the  two  armies,  with  a  view  to  discuss  the  various 
details.  As  General  Dacres  was  temporarily  absent, 
owing  to  illness,  and  had  gone  for  a  few  days 
to  Constantinople,  Lord  Eaglan  directed  me  to 
accompany  General  Harry  Jones,  the  Commanding 
Engineer.  The  meeting  took  place  in  a  hut,  at  6  A.M. 
To  my  surprise  General  Pelissier  came  in  and  pre- 
sided ;  and,  instead  of  the  conference  being  limited 


88         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE  1855 

to  officers  of  the  special  arms,  the  following  were 
present :  French  Generals  Martimprey,  Mel,  Bosquet, 
Trochu,  Frossard,  Beuret,  and  Thiry,  and  one  or  two 
more ;  General  Jones  and  myself  being  the  only 
English  officers  at  the  meeting.  Major  Claremont 
and  Prince  Polignac  were  also  in  the  room,  to  act  as 
interpreters  if  required. 

General  Pelissier,  in  opening  the  proceedings,  said 
it  was  decided  that  in  a  few  days  the  French  were 
to  attack  the  Mamelon  and  other  adjacent  positions, 
whilst  the  English  would  seize  the  quarries  in  front 
of  the  Eedan ;  and  he  invited  those  present  to  offer 
any  remarks  on  details.  A  plan  of  Sebastopol  was 
lying  on  the  table  for  reference.  General  Mel  began 
the  discussion,  stating  that  on  an  important  occasion 
like  the  present  it  was  necessary  to  take  a  general 
survey  of  the  allied  position  and  of  the  trenches,  and 
he  would  begin  with  the  left  attack.  Pelissier  stopped 
him  at  once,  and  declined  to  enter  into  any  such 
general  considerations,  saying  that  all  he  wanted  was 
assistance  as  to  details.  He  then  took  a  ruler,  laid  it 
across  the  left  attack,  and  said :  *  L'attaque  gauche 
n'existe  plus.'  General  Mel  under  these  circum- 
stances abstained  from  taking  any  further  part  in  the 
discussion. 

General  Bosquet  having  made  a  few  remarks  as 
to  the  troops  to  be  detailed  for  the  assault  of  the 
Mamelon,  in  which  the  Zouaves  were  to  occupy  a 


1855  A   COUNCIL   OF   WAR  89 

conspicuous  place,  Pelissier  objected  to  the  arrange- 
ment, contending  that  the  Zouaves  were  not  the  best 
troops — '  Pourquoi  toujours  les  Zouaves  ?  '  he  added. 
He  went  on  to  say  that  these,  however,  were  small 
questions  of  detail  to  be  settled  afterwards.     He  was 
evidently  determined  to  assert  his  position  as  Com- 
mander-in-Chief,  and  told  us  that  there  were  persons 
in  France  of  the  highest  position  (evidently  alluding 
to  the  Emperor)  who  read  history  and  studied  cam- 
paigns, and  then  sent  him  out  their  ideas  as  to  what 
should  be  done.      He  told  us  that  he  had  written  re- 
spectfully to  the  Minister  for  War  that,  so  long  as  he 
commanded  the  French  army  in  the  field,  he  declined 
to  carry  out  any  plans  except  such  as  were  arranged 
and   concerted  between  Lord   Eaglan    and   himself. 
A  few  other  officers  offered  some  observations,  and 
then  Pelissier  turned  to  General  Harry  Jones.     Ap- 
parently he  had  some  difficulty  in  pronouncing  his 
name,  and  approximately  addressed  him  as  General 
Hairy-Joze.1     The  General — who,  I  found  afterwards, 
was    considerably    ruffled    by    Pelissier's    arbitrary 
language — speaking  in  somewhat  moderate  French, 
said  that  when  the  French  were  ready  to  take  the 
Mamelon  the  British  troops  were  prepared  to  storm 
and  capture  the  quarries  in  front  of  the  Eedan,  and 
then   sat   down.      Pelissier   at    once   expressed   his 

1  Soon  afterwards,  when  he  was  knighted,  he  called  him  '  Sairey- 
Joze  ' !  (Sir  Harry  Jones). 


90         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY    LIFE  1855 

pleasure  at  hearing  the  statement  of  General  Hairy- 
Joze.  The  English,  he  added,  were  evidently  waiting 
for  their  allies,  and  with  that  '  solidite  '  which  so 
distinguished  them  would  no  doubt  succeed  in  what 
they  undertook.  The  day  and  hour  of  the  attack 
were  known  only  to  Lord  Eaglan  and  himself,  but 
they  should  not  have  long  to  wait.  Pelissier  ended 
by  stating  that  the  discussion  had  been  very  interest- 
ing (no  one  having  practically  spoken  except  himself), 
and  then  he  wished  us  all  good  morning. 

Lord  Eaglan  was  much  interested  and  amused 
when  he  heard  of  the  interview,  saying  that  had  he 
known  General  Pelissier  would  be  present  he  would 
have  gone  himself  to  listen  to  his  lecture.  It  was 
known  at  the  time  that  considerable  differences 
existed  between  Pelissier  and  Niel.  Years  afterwards, 
in  Kinglake's  '  History  of  the  Crimea,' 1  he  quotes  ex- 
tracts of  letters  written  at  this  time  by  General  Niel 
to  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  and  which  evidently  refer 
to  the  conference  I  have  just  described.  In  one 
General  Mel  says  :  '  At  a  meeting  which  took  place 
yesterday  he,  General  Pelissier,  ordered  me  to  be 
silent  with  a  harshness  not  to  be  characterised.  .  .  . 
We  were  in  the  presence  of  English  officers.'  Again, 
he  writes  to  the  Minister  for  War  :  '  Knowing  nothing 
of  what  is  going  on,  I  abstain  from  all  reflections.  I 

1  '  Extracts  from  French  Official  Documents,'  Kinglake,  viii.  32 
and  88. 


1855  NAPOLEON'S   VETO    IGNORED  9! 

asked  leave  to  offer  some  observations  on  the  state 
of  the  siege,  and  was  told  that  it  was  not  the  time.  .  .  / 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  active  measures 
which  had  been  carried  out  by  the  allied  generals 
during  the  latter  part  of  May  were  by  no  means  ap- 
proved of  in  Paris,  so  much  so  that  on  June  5 
Napoleon  telegraphed  to  Pelissier  as  follows : * 
*  Je  vous  donne  1'ordre  positif,  de  ne  point  vous 
acharner  au  siege,  avant  d'avoir  investi  la  place/ 
General  Pelissier,  however,  entirely  ignoring  the  veto, 
simply  replied  that  he  was  in  perfect  accord  with 
Lord  Eaglan,  and  was  making  final  dispositions  for 
the  assault  of  the  white  redoubts,  the  Mamelon,  and 
the  quarries  ;  and  adds,  that  he  should  commence  on 
the  7th  and  push  on  with  the  utmost  vigour.  And 
so  he  did. 

A  few  days  later,  in  writing  to  Paris,  he  speaks 
of  himself  as  being  at  the  paralysing  extremity  of 
an  electric  wire.2  Lord  Panmure,  the  Minister  for 
War,  however,  about  this  time  informed  Lord  Eaglan 
that  the  English  and  French  Governments  had  ar- 
ranged that  no  orders  should  be  sent  out  as  to  opera- 
tions, without  mutual  consent,3  and  it  seems  curious 
that  so  obvious  and  common-sense  a  plan  had  not 
been  in  force  throughout. 

On  the  afternoon  of  June  6  the  third  great  bom- 
bardment of  Sebastopol  commenced.  My  brother, 

1  Kinglake,  viii.  89-90.  a  Ibid.  viii.  129.  3  Ibid.  236. 


92          RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE  1855 

Captain  Mortimer  Adye,  E.A.,  was  in  command  of  an 
advanced  battery  in  the  trenches,  and,  the  weather 
being  hot,  was  fighting  his  guns  in  his  shirt  sleeves, 
when  a  shell  from  the  enemy  burst  in  the  battery,  ex- 
ploding some  loose  gunpowder  which  was  lying  there, 
and  burned  him  and  two  sergeants  seriously ;  in  fact, 
nearly  blew  them  away.  His  face,  neck,  and  arms 
were  scorched,  blackened,  and  blistered,  and  his  flannel 
shirt  smouldering.  Some  infantry  soldiers,  seeing  his 
•condition,  threw  some  water  over  him,  and  he  was 
then  conveyed  to  camp  ;  but  some  weeks  elapsed 
before  he  was  able  to  resume  his  duties. 

The  fire  of  the  allied  batteries  soon  obtained  a 
mastery,  and  the  Mamelon  especially  was  in  ruins. 
Todleben,  speaking  of  the  bombardment,  said  that 
more  terrific  than  all  else  was  the  fire  of  the  English.1 
It  was  arranged  that  the  assault  of  the  Eussian  ad- 
vanced works  should  take  place  shortly  before  sunset, 
and  during  the  afternoon  of  the  7th  the  French 
columns,  in  the  highest  spirits,  marched  under  cover 
and  unobserved  down  the  ravines  in  readiness.  The 
signal  was  given  about  half-past  six,  and  the  French 
first  attacked  and  occupied  the  ouvrages  blancs,  near 
the  Careening  Bay  ravine,  taking  several  hundred 
prisoners.  They  then  assaulted  the  Mamelon,  took  it 
with  great  rapidity  and  comparative  ease,  and  hoisted 
their  flag  on  the  work  ;  but,  led  away  by  success,  they 

1  Kinglake,  viii.  94. 


i855    CAPTURE  OF  THE  MAMELON  AND  QUARRIES    93 

impetuously,  and  contrary  to  the  intention,  followed 
the  enemy  even  up  to  the  glacis  of  the  Malakoff.  The 
Eussians,  however,  came  out  in  great  force,  and  not 
only  drove  back  the  French  columns,  but  followed 
them  into  the  Mamelon  and  recaptured  it,  the  French 
retreating  down  the  slopes  in  disorder  and  with  great 
loss.  It  was  a  critical  moment,  but  Pelissier  was 
equal  to  the  occasion.  Having  large  reserves  in  the 
adjoining  ravine,  he  at  once  sent  them  forward  and 
for  a  second  time  occupied  the  great  outwork  ;  and, 
darkness  coming  on,  its  entrenchments  were  turned 
during  the  night  and  the  position  firmly  held.  At 
the  same  time,  whilst  these  serious  battles  were  taking 
place,  the  English  troops,  consisting  of  part  of  the 
Light  and  Second  Divisions,  stormed  the  quarries  in 
front  of  the  Eedan  in  the  most  brilliant  manner  ;  and 
although  they  were  furiously  attacked  several  times 
during  the  night  by  sorties  from  the  Eussian  adjacent 
works,  and  suffered  great  loss,  they  resisted  all  efforts 
to  dislodge  them,  and  the  next  morning  found  them 
firmly  established  in  comparatively  close  proximity  to 
the  Eedan. 

The  great  energy  and  activity  of  the  allies  during 
the  fortnight  since  Pelissier  had  been  in  command  of 
the  French  army  and  in  full  accord  with  Lord  Eaglan 
had  thus  been  attended  with  important  results,  not 
only  on  the  Chernaya  and  at  Kertch,  but  also  in 
depriving  the  enemy  of  the  outworks  in  front  of  the 


94         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY    LIFE  1855 

city  which  they  had  established  during  the  previous 
winter.  Within  a  day  or  two  of  the  successful  actions 
of  June  7,  another  meeting  took  place  of  the  senior 
artillery  and  engineer  officers  of  the  two  armies,  at 
which  I  was  present  with  General  Dacres.  The  sub- 
ject considered  had  reference  to  the  arrangements  in 
the  trenches  necessary  for  the  further  prosecution  of 
the  siege.  Opinions  rather  differed,  some  considering 
that  in  view  of  the  recent  success,  and  its  moral  effect 
on  the  Eussians,  a  general  assault  should  speedily 
follow.  Colonel  Frossard,  a  distinguished  engineer 
of  the  French  army,  however,  urged  that  as  we  were 
still  at  a  distance  of  some  hundred  yards  from  the 
Malakoff  and  Eedan  we  should  continue  to  advance 
cautiously  by  means  of  sap  and  trench  as  heretofore. 
He  pointed  out  that  an  assault  from  our  present  posi- 
tion would  involve  the  carrying  of  scaling  ladders  and 
woolbags  to  fill  the  ditches,  for  a  considerable  dis- 
tance in  the  open  under  heavy  fire,  and  that  under 
all  the  circumstances  we  might  be  liable  to  defeat  in 
assaulting  prematurely.  General  Dacres  entirely  con- 
curred in  the  views  of  Colonel  Frossard,  and  the 
event  proved  that  their  misgivings  were  justified. 

Some  days  passed  away,  during  which  time  the 
batteries  in  the  trenches  were  augmented  and  again 
prepared  for  a  fresh  effort,  and  it  was  finally  decided 
that  a  general  assault  should  be  made  on  the  Malakoff 
and  Eedan  on  June  18,  to  be  preceded  by  a  vigorous 


i855  ALTERATION  OF   ARRANGEMENTS  95 

bombardment  at  daylight  for  two  or  three  hours,  so 
as  to  smash  and  silence  the  enemy's  batteries  and  open 
a  road  for  the  attacking  columns.  It  is  important, 
however,  to  bear  in  mind  that  General  Pelissier  de- 
clined to  make  a  simultaneous  movement  against  the 
Bastion  du  Mat.  A  heavy  fire  was  opened  at  day- 
light on  June  17  from  the  English  and  French  trenches, 
and  continued  throughout  the  day.  In  the  evening 
Lord  Eaglan  sent  for  me,  and  directed  orders  to  be 
issued  at  once  to  all  the  batteries,  that  the  renewed 
bombardment  at  daylight  the  next  morning  was  not 
to  be  carried  out.  I  ventured  to  remark  that  every 
preparation  had  been  made,  and  that  it  would  not 
only  be  a  great  disappointment  to  the  navy  and 
artillery,  but  it  seemed  to  me  that  a  concentrated  fire 
for  two  or  three  hours  on  the  points  to  be  assaulted 
would  produce  a  great  effect.  Lord  Eaglan  replied 
that  he  entirely  agreed  with  me,  but,  he  added,  it  was 
useless  to  argue  the  question,  as  he  had  just  received 
a  message  from  General  Pelissier  altering  previous 
arrangements,  and  saying  that  the  French  columns 
would  attack  at  daylight.1  The  necessary  orders  were, 
of  course,  given. 

1  See  Lord  Baglan's  despatch,  June  19,  1855.      Also  Kinglake, 
viii.  310. 


96          RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE          1855 


CHAPTER  X 

BATTLE  OF  JUNE  18  AND  DEATH  OF  LORD  RAGLAN 

THE  night  of  the  17th  was  passed  in  concentrat- 
ing the  allied  forces  destined  for  the  great  assault. 
Lord  Eaglan  and  his  staff  arrived  in  the  English 
trenches  shortly  before  daylight.  Two  important 
circumstances  occurred  at  the  very  outset,  both  of 
bad  omen  for  the  allies.  One,  that  the  Russians  by 
some  means  had  become  aware  of,  and  were  con- 
sequently prepared  for,  the  attack ;  the  other,  that 
one  of  the  French  generals,  under  a  mistaken  idea 
that  the  signal  had  been  given,  led  his  troops  to  the 
assault  prematurely,  and  before  all  was  ready.  It 
was,  in  fact,  still  dark,  when  the  ground  in  front  of 
the  Malakoff  became  suddenly  the  scene  of  a  terrific 
conflict,  of  which  for  some  time  it  was  not  possible 
to  form  a  judgment,  or  to  forecast  the  result. 

As  the  day  dawned  it  soon  became  apparent 
that  the  French  were  in  difficulties,  and  were  not 
within  the  Malakoff.  Lord  Raglan  had  always 
reserved  to  himself  freedom  of  action  as  to  the 
proper  moment  for  ordering  the  advance  of  the 


1855         DESPERATE  ATTACKS   BY  THE   ALLIES  97 

English.  As  he  wrote  to  Lord  Panmure  afterwards, 
he  felt  that  there  ought  to  be  some  hope  of  the 
French  success  before  committing  his  troops.1 
However,  when  he  observed  the  serious  condition  of 
affairs,  and  that  his  allies  were  in  dire  conflict  and 
suffering  great  losses,  but  were  still  persisting  in 
their  attack  on  the  dominating  position  of  the 
Malakoff,  he  felt  that  it  was  impossible  for  the 
English  troops  to  remain  inactive,  and  therefore 
gave  the  requisite  signal.  Our  troops,  composed  of 
parjs  of  the  Light,  Second  and  Fourth  Divisions, 
accompanied  by  a  storming  party  of  seamen  carrying 
scaling  ladders  and  of  gunners  with  means  for 
spiking  guns,  jumped  from  their  cover  and  made 
straight  for  the  Redan ;  but  the  whole  ground  was 
torn  and  swept  with  grape  and  musketry  from  the 
enemy's  works,  both  in  front  and  on  the  flanks,  and 
our  men,  gallantly  as  they  were  led  and  bravely 
as  they  advanced,  were  quite  unable  to  enter  the 
work.  Lord  Eaglan,  when  the  advance  commenced,, 
desired  his  staff  to  sit  down  in  the  trench ;  but  he 
and  General  Jones,  E.E.,  stood  up  together,  anxiously 
watching  the  event.  In  the  midst  of  the  carnage,. 
General  Jones  was  struck  on  the  forehead  with  a 
glancing  grape-shot,  and  for  a  moment  as  he  fell 
back  it  was  feared  the  wound  was  mortal.  He  was 

1  See  Lord   Raglan's   despatch,  June  19,  1855.     Also  Kinglaker 
viii.  161. 

H 


98          RECOLLECTIONS    OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE          1855 

taken  away  for  medical  aid,  but  in  a  minute  or  two 
suddenly  returned  with  the  blood  streaming  down 
his  face,  being  anxious  to  speak  to  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  on  some  point  which  he  deemed  important ; 
and  it  was  with  difficulty  that  he  could  be  induced 
to  have  his  wound  attended  to.  It  was  about  this 
time  that  Captain  William  Peel,  E.N.,  who  had  led 
the  seamen  with  the  scaling  ladders,  passed  us  on  his 
return,  wounded,  together  with  a  great  many  other 
officers  and  men.  The  battle  continued  for  some 
time,  but  at  length  ended  in  the  failure  of  the  allies 
at  every  point,  and  Lord  Eaglan  then  directed  the 
batteries  to  re-open  fire,  in  order  to  cover  the  retreat 
and  to  hold  in  check  the  Russian  forces. 

Soon  after  the  termination  of  the  various  attacks, 
General  Hugh  Eose, l  the  British  Commissioner  at 
French  head  quarters,  came  to  Lord  Eaglan  with 
a  message  from  General  Pelissier,  to  ascertain  his 
views  on  the  situation.  Lord  Eaglan  said  that  in  his 
opinion  Pelissier  had  made  two  great  mistakes — one, 
in  attacking  prematurely  before  a  bombardment 
and  the  other  that  he  had  not  simultaneously 
assaulted  the  Bastion  du  Mat.  '  However,'  he  added, 
*  I  will  go  myself  and  see  him,'  and  he  then  left  the 
trenches  with  General  Harry  Jones,  who  in  the  mean- 
time had  returned,  having  tied  a  handkerchief  over 
his  forehead,  making  light  of  his  wound.  The 

1  Afterwards  Field  Marshal  Lord  Strathnairn. 


1855  DEATH   OF   LORD   RAGLAN  99 

losses  during  the  day  were  serious.  Of  the  English — 
General  Sir  John  Campbell  was  killed,  with  many 
other  officers  of  rank,  and  our  total  casualties 
were  1,443.  The  French  suffered  far  more,  their 
losses  amounting  to  no  less  than  3,500.  In  fact, 
during  the  month  that  General  Pelissier  had  been 
in  command  of  the  French  army  it  is  estimated 
that  their  casualties  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing 
amounted  to  upwards  of  12,000  officers  and  men. 

The  failure  of  the  great  assault  on  Sebastopol  on 
June  18  was  undoubtedly  the  severest  blow  which  the 
allies  had  received  since  their  landing  in  the  Crimea ; 
and  indeed  it  became  difficult  to  forecast  the  future, 
as  the  activity,  courage,  and  great  resources  of  the 
Eussians  in  men  and  material  apparently  rendered 
the  capture  of  the  city  a  somewhat  remote  and 
uncertain  speculation.  The  British  army  were,  how- 
ever, destined  in  a  few  days  to  suffer  another  great 
misfortune,  by  the  death  of  their  beloved  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  on  June  28.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  the  failure  of  the  attack  on  Sebastopol,  and  the 
great  losses  on  that  eventful  morning,  had  a  serious 
effect  upon  Lord  Eaglan,  following,  as  they  did,  on 
the  accumulated  anxieties  of  the  previous  months  ; 
so  that  his  strong  constitution  at  length  gave  way. 
Within  a  few  hours  of  his  death  he  happened  to  send 
for  me  on  some  matter  of  business,  and  then  com- 
plained of  illness  and  of  great  thirst ;  but  he  made 

H   2 


IOO        RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A  MILITARY  LIFE         1855 

light  of  it,  and  I  had  no  idea  that  his  condition  was 
serious,  or  that  it  was  destined  to  be  my  last  inter- 
view with  one  with  whom  I  had  been  so  closely 
associated. 

It  will  be  well  to  consider  briefly  some  of  the 
great  events  which  had  occurred  during  the  period 
of  his  command,  as  illustrative  of  his  conduct  and 
character  during  the  campaign.  In  the  first  place, 
it  must  always  be  remembered  that  we  entered  into 
a  war  against  a  great  Power  after  a  peace  in  Europe 
of  nearly  forty  years,  when  we  had  with  difficulty 
collected  about  30,000  men  for  the  purpose ;  and 
when  even  these  were  inadequately  provided  with 
commissariat  and  transport,  and  there  were  no  re- 
serves existent  to  replace  casualties  as  they  arose. 
Again,  the  order  to  proceed  to  the  Crimea  came 
from  home,  without  any  specific  knowledge  of  the 
resources  and  preparations  of  the  Eussians ;  it  was 
given  at  a  late  season,  and  when  the  troops  were 
physically  weak ;  and  as  the  Government  did  not 
anticipate  a  winter  campaign,  no  provision  had  been 
made  to  meet  it.  In  view  of  these  circumstances 
Marshal  Saint-Arnaud,  as  I  have  shown,  hesitated  at 
the  last  moment.  It  is  true  that  he  was  then  very 
ill — in  fact,  a  dying  man — but  this  must  have  added 
greatly  to  Lord  Eaglan's  responsibilities  at  a  critical 
time. 

When  the  siege  of  Sebastopol  commenced,  the 


l85S  A   RETROSPECT  IOI 

failure  of  the  first  bombardment  was  due  in  a 
measure  to  the  weakness  of  the  French  siege  train, 
and  to  the  the  unfortunate  explosion  of  some  of  their 
magazines.  In  the  three  great  battles  of  Alma, 
Balaclava,  and  Inkerman,  the  English  lost  about 
5,000  men,  and  as  the  winter  came  on,  and  found 
the  allies  with  open  trenches,  it  was  evident  not  only 
that  great  sickness  and  suffering  must  ensue,  but  that 
-our  numbers  and  means  were  quite  inadequate.  In 
short,  the  English  and  French  Governments  entered 
inta  the  war  apparently  under  the  impression  that 
with  a  force  of  60,000  men  they  could  crush  an 
empire,  and  that  Sebastopol  would  fall  by  a  coup-de- 
main.  As  regards  the  events  which  followed,  I  have 
quoted  official  documents  which  prove  that  General 
Canrobert,  brave  and  good  soldier  as  he  was,  still 
allowed  himself  to  be  constantly  controlled  and  over- 
influenced  by  secret  orders  from  Paris,  which  prac- 
tically set  at  naught  the  plans  of  the  allied  generals 
and  at  last  brought  matters  to  a  dead  lock ;  and  it  is 
important  to  bear  in  mind  also  that,  steadfast  as  Lord 
Eaglan  was  in  his  opinions,  yet  so  loyal  was  he  to  his 
colleague,  and  so  magnanimous,  that  no  word  in  his 
public  despatches  gave  a  hint  of  the  enormous  diffi- 
culties caused  by  the  circumstance  I  have  described. 
He  submitted  to  great  personal  injustice,  rather  than 
say  or  do  anything  to  weaken  the  entente  cordiale 
between  the  two  Powers,  or  to  attach  blame  to  others. 


102         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1855 

Again,  [when  the  allies  landed  in  the  Crimea  their 
numbers  were  approximately  equal,  but,  as  the 
English  had  no  reserves  to  replenish  their  rapidly 
diminishing  ranks,  the  equality  soon  disappeared, 
and  early  in  1855  the  French  forces  were  at  least 
three  times  greater  than  ours  ;  and  this  disparity, 
whilst  it  gave  increased  authority  to  their  views, 
must  have  tended  to  complicate  Lord  Eaglan's  posi- 
tion in'council. 

There  is  another  point  to  be  noticed — namely, 
that  all  the  commanders  of  the  allied  armies  and 
fleets,  French,  Sardinian,  and  Turkish,  entertained 
the  highest  opinion  of  the  ability,  high  courage,  and 
character  of  Lord  Eaglan.  I  had  good  means  of 
knowing,  and  believe  there  was  no  difference  of 
opinion  on  the  subject.  General  Canrobert  always 
expressed  these  views,  and  indeed  was  anxious  that 
Lord  Eaglan  should  be  appointed  to  command  all 
the  allied  forces.  Pelissier,  from  the  day  he  assumed 
command  of  the  French  army,  was  in  complete 
accord  with  him,  and  so  stated  over  and  over  again, 
Lord  Lyons,  I  remember  well,  after  the  war  told  me 
that  it  was  the  proudest  boast  of  his  life  that  he 
should  have  been  closely  associated  with  Lord  Eaglan, 
during  all  the  exceptional  difficulties  and  dangers 
of  his  position. 

I  have  recapitulated  these  points  because  they 
were  by  no  means  known  to  the  people  of  England 


i85S  CHARACTER   OF   LORD    RAGLAN  103 

at  the  time ;  in  fact,  it  was  not  until  years 
afterwards,  on  the  fall  of  the  Empire,  and  by  the 
publication  of  the  French  despatches,  that  many  of 
the  circumstances  were  brought  to  light.  Finally, 
Lord  Eaglan,  during  all  these  months  of  incessant 
and  harassing  anxiety,  had  to  bear  a  trial  even 
greater  than  those  I  have  attempted  to  describe. 
The  English  Press  at  home,  and  their  correspondents 
in  the  Crimea,  day  after  day  continued  to  criticise 
his  conduct,  and  to  misrepresent  his  character  in 
violent  and  unmeasured  terms ;  describing  him  as 
indifferent,  incompetent,  and  unfit  for  command ; 
and  attributing  to  his  supposed  incapacity  and  want 
of  foresight  the  sufferings  of  the  troops  and  the 
delays  of  the  campaign,  whilst  during  .the  whole 
time  the  facts  were  all  the  other  way.  Having  been 
closely  associated  with  Lord  Eaglan,  and  knowing  a 
good  deal  of  the  circumstances,  I  feel  it  a  matter  of 
common  justice  to  defend  the  memory  of  a  great  and 
distinguished  man,  the  close  of  whose  life  was 
embittered  by  the  feeling  that  the  Government  at 
home  would  not  defend  him,  and  that  the  people, 
grossly  misled  as  they  were,  had  withdrawn  from  him 
their  confidence.  One  day,  not  long  before  his 
death,  in  conversation  with  him  I  expressed  a  hope 
that  he  would  soon  return  to  England,  and  have  the 
opportunity  of  defending  himself  against  the  unjust 
attacks  of  which  he  was  the  object,  when  he  replied — 


104         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1855 

smiling,  perhaps,  rather  bitterly — '  Eeturn  home  ?  I 
shall  never  return  home.  Why,  I  should  be  stoned 
to  death  before  I  could  get  to  Stanhope  Street.' 

But  there  is  a  still  more  important  aspect  of  the 
case  than  the  personal  one.  It  is  a  great  injury  to 
the  public  service  that  a  Commander-in-Chief  in  the 
field,  surrounded,  as  he  must  be,  by  constant  diffi- 
culties and  anxieties,  should  be  thus  misjudged  by 
violent  and  erroneous  statements,  and  be  attacked 
behind  his  back  at  a  time  when  from  absence,  want 

of  leisure,  and  from  the  nature  of  his  position  he  is 

• 

unable  to  reply.  I  must  add  that  in  almost  every 
campaign  in  which  I  have  borne  a  part,  the  same 
tendency  to  hasty  criticism  has  been  more  or  less 
observable,  and  always  at  moments  when  the  people 
at  home,  being  naturally  anxious,  are  all  the  more 
susceptible  and  easily  misled. 

The  death  of  Lord  Eaglan  tended,  no  doubt,  to 
diminish  the  influence  of  England  in  the  councils  of 
the  war  at  a  critical  period  of  the  campaign,  and 
the  entente  cordiale  between  the  generals  of  the 
allied  armies  which  his  influence  and  high  character 
had  done  so  much  to  maintain,  gradually  weakened. 
It  was  in  every  sense  a  calamity.  The  appointment, 
however,  of  General  Simpson  as  his  successor  at  all 
events  prevented  any  divergence  of  opinion  as  re- 
garded the  immediate  operations  against  Sebastopol. 
General  Pelissier  and  himself  were  in  entire  accord 


1855  THE   KEY   OF   THE   POSITION  105 

that  the  MalakofF  was  the  dominant  feature  of  the 
situation ;  and  although  other  parts  of  the  enceinte, 
such  as  the  Great  and  Little  Eedans  and  the  Bastion 
du  Mat,  could  not  be  left  out  of  account,  still  in  the 
final  assault  the  attacks  on  these  points  would  not 
necessarily  lead  to  the  fall  of  the  place,  and  would, 
therefore,  be  subsidiary  diversions,  as  it  were,  to  the 
capture  of  the  central  position.  In  one  of  his  first 
despatches  General  Simpson  said  that  'we  were 
repairing  and  improving  our  works,  to  be  in 
readiness  to  co-operate  with  the  French,  when  their 
approaches  towards  the  Malakoff  shall  be  completed.' 
The  opinion  given  at  the  beginning  of  the  siege  by 
Sir  John  Burgoyne,  that  '  the  great  tower  was  the 
key  of  the  whole  position,'  had  at  length  become  the 
axiom  of  all.1 

1  General  Pelissier,  in  his  despatch  of  September  11  on  the  fall  of 
Sevastopol,  specially  says  that  the  Malakoff  was  the  key  of  the  defences, 
and  that  the  other  attacks  were  subordinate. 


106         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1855 


CHAPTEE  XI. 

BATTLE   OF   CEERNAYA  AND  THE   FALL   OF  SEBASTOPOL. 

DURING  the  month  of  July  and  the  early  part  of 
August  the  allies  were  occupied  in  pushing  on  their 
trenches,  in  obtaining  fresh  armaments  and  muni- 
tions, and  adding  to  their  batteries.  About  this 
time  I  was  present  at  several  interesting  councils 
connected  with  these  preparations,  and  partly  with 
the  consideration  of  suggestions  from  home.  In  my 
journal  is  a  record  as  follows  : — 

First  Conference,  August  3,  1855.  Present : 
Generals  Pelissier,  Simpson,  Mel,  Thiry,  Barnard, 
Airey,  Sir  H.  Jones  ; l  Colonels  Dupuis,  Steele,  and 
Adye.  Subject :  '  Whether,  in  case  the  town  should 
not  fall  before  the  winter,  it  may  not  be  necessary 
to  raise  the  siege  ? '  General  Pelissier  refused  to 
entertain  the  idea,  and  the  meeting  broke  up  un- 
satisfactorily. The  conference  took  place  at  the 
English  head  quarters,  and  during  the  discussion  one 
of  the  French  generals  having  made  some  remarks 
as  to  the  great  losses  daily  in  the  trenches,  General 

1  General  Dacres  was  at  Constantinople  sick. 


i855  INTERESTING   COUNCILS  107 

Pelissier  turned  to  him  and  said,  '  Did  you  ever  hear 
of  a  war  without  losses  ?  We  are  not  here  to  make 
war  a  la  Monsieur  Cobden ! '  After  the  meeting,  in 
passing  through  General  Simpson's  room,  Pelissier 
took  up  a  book,  and  asked  me  what  was  the  inscrip- 
tion on  its  cover.  It  was  a  Bible,  and  I  told  him  the 
words  were  '  Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Christian 
Knowledge.'  He  laughed,  and  said  it  was  a  good  so- 
ciety, but  whether  he  was  a  subscriber  I  do  not  know. 

Second  Conference,  August  5.  Present :  Artillery 
ancj  engineer  officers  of  both  armies  only.  Subject 
considered :  '  A  telegraphic  despatch  from  England, 
Can  the  town  be  destroyed  ?  Can  it  be  taken  ? 
What  will  you  do  next  ? ' 

Answer :  No  amount  of  fire,  both  vertical  and 
horizontal,  would  destroy  the  town — that  is  to  say, 
the  forts,  docks,  basins,  and  all  that  give  importance 
to  Sebastopol. 

Answer  to  second  question  :  This  question  is  one 
for  the  Commanders-in- Chief  to  decide.  The  meeting 
stated  the  general  condition  of  the  trenches  for  their 
information.  The  third  question  was  also  for  the 
Generals-in-Chief. 

Third  Conference,  August  7.  'Two  hundred 
mortars  being  expected  from  France  and  England, 
can  the  town  be  destroyed  by  this  means  and  an 
assault  obviated  ? ' 

Answer :  No. 


IO8         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1855 

Fourth  Conference,  August  14.  The  French  state 
that  their  batteries  on  the  Mamelon  and  Careening 
Bay  are  ready  to  open.  Proposed,  therefore,  that  we 
open  on  the  17th  all  round,  and  then  push  forward 
our  approaches. 

In  the  meantime,  and  before  the  final  prepar- 
ations for  the  assault  of  Sebastopol  were  quite 
complete,  the  Eussians  determined  to  make  one 
more  effort  to  raise  the  siege  by  an  attack  on  the 
position  of  the  allies  on  the  Chernaya.  It  was  a  de- 
sperate movement  on  their  part.  In  the  first  place, 
the  Fedhukine  heights  were  held  by  18,000  French 
troops  with  48  guns,  and  the  Sardinians  on  the  hills 
to  their  right  near  Tchergoum  were  9,000  strong  with 
36  guns,  and  in  rear  were  10,000  Turks  in  reserve. 
The  heights  themselves,  which  were  well  adapted  for 
defence,  had  been  strengthened  by  entrenchments, 
and  the  river  Chernaya,  as  well  as  a  narrow  canal, 
acted  as  wet  ditches  along  the  front,  and  rendered 
an  assault  very  difficult.  It  so  happened  also  that 
a  few  days  before  the  battle  the  allied  generals 
had  received  information  through  spies  of  the  in- 
tentions of  the  enemy,  and  were  therefore  fully  pre- 
pared. 

On  August  12  I  was  sent  to  Balaclava  to  call 
upon  General  La  Marmora,  who  wished  that  some 
English  guns  should  be  placed  at  his  disposal,  and 
by  his  invitation  rode  with  him  to  the  heights  occu- 


1855  BATTLE   OF   THE   CHERNAYA  109 

pied  by  the  Sardinian  army,  and  received  his 
directions  as  to  the  position  to  be  taken  up  by  the 
battery  in  the  event  of  an  assault.  At  daylight  on 
August  16  the  Eussians  advanced  with  great  courage 
to  the  attack.  General  Pelissier,  in  his  General  Order 
to  the  French  army  on  the  following  day,  estimated 
the  forces  of  the  Eussians  as  being  60,000  strong, 
with  a  numerous  artillery  and  considerable  masses 
of  cavalry.  Notwithstanding  all  the  obstacles,  the 
enemy  succeeded  in  temporarily  capturing  the  tete- 
du-gpnt,  and  in  advancing  for  a  considerable  distance 
up  the  heights ;  but,  after  five  hours'  fighting, 
were  ultimately  driven  back  and  defeated  all  along 
the  line,  losing  more  than  6,000  men,  some  of 
whom  were  drowned,  and  leaving  2,200  wounded 
and  prisoners  behind.  General  Pelissier  specially 
alluded  to  the  good  service  rendered  by  the  English 
heavy  battery,  which  took  part  in  the  action  in 
co-operation  with  the  Sardinians.  C  troop  Horse 
Artillery  was  also  present  towards  the  close  of  the 
battle. 

On  the  following  day  the  allies  commenced 
another  bombardment,  and  in  three  days  alone  threw 
10,000  shells  from  mortars  into  the  doomed  city, 
independently  of  the  fire  from  the  heavy  guns.  The 
batteries  of  the  Malakoff  and  Eedan  were  reduced  to 
ruins  and  were  almost  silent.  The  end  was 
approaching.  The  English  artillery  at  this  time, 


110        RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1855 

having  been  largely  re-inforced,  were  about  7,000 
strong,  and,  in  addition  to  200  pieces  of  ordnance  in 
the  trenches,  they  had  92  guns  horsed  and  ready  for 
the  field.  Under  cover  of  this  great  bombardment, 
work  in  the  trenches  was  actively  carried  on,  and  the 
French  approached  close  to  the  counter  scarps  of  the 
Malakoff.  Their  losses,  however,  were  reckoned  at 
100  daily.  In  view  of  the  crisis  which  was  at  hand, 
the  Eussians,  towards  the  end  of  August,  constructed 
a  bridge  of  rafts  across  the  harbour ;  an  evident 
symptom  of  a  possible  withdrawal  of  the  garrison 
and  surrender  of  the  city. 

At  the  beginning  of  September  a  final  meeting  of 
the  French  and  English  officers  of  artillery  and 
engineers  took  place,  and  a  careful  memorandum 
was  then  drawn  up  for  the  consideration  of  the 
Commanders-in-Chief.  After  recapitulating  the  gene- 
ral condition  of  the  trenches,  and  pointing  out  that 
the  French  were  within  twenty-five  yards  of  the 
place,  they  recommended  that  the  whole  of  the 
batteries  should  re-open  at  once  and  maintain  a  vigo- 
rous fire  for  three  days,  and  that  the  assault  should 
then  be  given  without  delay ;  the  Malakoff  to  be  first 
attacked  and  captured,  and  then  the  Great  and  Little 
Eedans,  and  the  works  near  the  Bastion  du  Mat,  so  as 
to  divide  the  Eussian  forces  as  much  as  possible.1 

1  General  Simpson's  despatch   of  September  9,   1855,  specially 
alludes  to  this  report,  which,  he  says,  was  agreed  to  and  acted  on. 


1855  THE   END   OF   THE   SIEGE  III 

The  end  had  come  at  last.  On  September  5  the 
bombardment  re-commenced,  and  the  Eussians  were 
speedily  driven  to  seek  refuge  in  their  numerous 
underground  shelters,  in  the  midst  of  crumbling 
ruins  and  dismantled  batteries.  On  the  morning  of 
the  8th  the  troops  of  the  allies  marched  quietly 
down  to  their  allotted  positions ;  and  at  noon,  all 
being  ready,  General  Mac  Mahon  led  his  division 
straight  to  the  Malakoff,  and  in  a  few  minutes  entered 
it  and  hoisted  the  tricolor.  This  was  the  precon- 
certed signal,  and  then  the  other  columns  also  rushed 
to  the  assault.  On  the  extreme  right,  the  French  in 
great  force  attacked  the  Little  Eedan  and  works 
near  the  harbour,  but,  after  a  prolonged  struggle 
and  heavy  losses,  failed  to  maintain  their  ground. 
The  English  troops,  composed  of  parts  of  the  Light 
and  Second  Divisions  and  accompanied  by  a  ladder 
and  spiking  party,  advanced  on  the  salient  of  the 
Great  Eedan,  entered  the  work,  and  held  it  for  some 
time.  The  interior  of  the  work,  however,  was  swept 
by  the  fire  of  artillery  and  infantry  in  rear,  and  they 
were  ultimately  forced  back  with  great  loss.  At  the 
same  time,  far  away  on  the  left,  the  Bastions  Centrale 
and  Du  Mat  were  stormed  by  French  columns,  but 
also  without  success — in  fact,  the  three  subordinate 
assaults  on  the  city  all  failed. 

Mac  Mahon,  however,  having  once  gained  posses- 
sion of  the  redoubt  surrounding   the   old   Malakoff 


112         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1855 

tower,  held  it  in  spite  of  the  furious  efforts  of  the 
Eussians  for  hours  to  drive  him  out.  As  one  cause 
of  the  failure  of  the  subsidiary  attacks,  it  is  as  well  to 
point  out  that  they  were  all  open  works,  swept  by 
batteries  and  interior  entrenchments ;  whilst,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  ground  round  the  Malakoff  had  been 
converted  by  the  Eussians  into  a  closed  redoubt 
which,  whilst  it  may,  at  the  outset,  have  added  to  the 
difficulties  of  its  capture,  still,  when  once  taken,  gave 
the  French  under  Mac  Mahon  the  advantage  of  com- 
parative shelter. 

The  losses  on  all  sides  were  very  severe,  and  were 
as  follows  : 

French 7,567 

English 2,271 

Eussians 12,913 


22,751 

Thus  ended,  after  a  siege  of  eleven  months,  the 
series  of  battles  in  front  of  Sebastopol.  The  Eussians, 
aware  that  their  position  on  the  south  side  was  no 
longer  tenable,  during  the  night  set  fire  to  the  city, 
exploded  their  magazines,  sunk  their  fleet,  and,  having 
withdrawn  the  garrison  by  means  of  the  floating 
bridge  across  the  harbour,  then  destroyed  it,  leaving 
their  arsenal,  docks,  and  large  remaining  supplies  of 
guns  and  stores  in  the  hands  of  the  allies.  As 
Pelissier  said  in  his  order  of  the  day, '  Le  boulevard 
de  la  Puissance  Eusse  dans  la  Mer  Noir  n'existe  plus.' 


i855  THE  FALL  OF  SEBASTOPOL  113 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  9th  Fort  Paul  blew  up  with  a 
great  explosion,  and  then  all  was  still.  What  a  com- 
fort it  was,  after  months  of  incessant  anxiety,  that  the 
uproar  had  for  a  time  ceased,  and  that  there  was 
nothing  to  do ! 

During  the  next  few  days  we  buried  the  dead, 
wandered  about  the  desolate  city,  took  stock  of  the 
armaments  and  reserves,  and  were  occasionally  shelled 
by  the  enemy  at  long  range  from  the  north  side  of 
the  harbour.  One  large  hospital  which  I  visited  pre- 
sented a  dreadful  spectacle.  There  were  hundreds 
of  dead  bodies  of  Eussians  lying  in  the  beds ; 
of  men  who  had  been  wounded  before  the  retreat, 
and  then  left  at  the  last  to  die  unheeded  and  alone. 
In  a  few  of  the  beds  were  found  wounded  men  still 
living  ! 

With  the  fall  of  Sebastopol  the  Crimean  war  had 
virtually  reached  its  termination,  although  several 
months  elapsed  before  this  was  recognised.  The 
Emperor  of  the  French  still  hankered  after  a  campaign 
in  the  interior ;  but  the  season  was  late,  and  the 
corner  occupied  by  the  allied  armies  formed  a  bad 
base  for  operations  in  the  field.  Marshal  Pelissier, 
obstinate  and  determined  as  ever,  would  have  none  of 
it,  and  wrote  to  Paris :  '  Thank  God  !  it  is  not 
difficulties  which  frighten  me.  ...  But  here  the 
situation  is  not  the  same.  I  see  the  obstacles,  but  I 
do  not  perceive  the  success,  nor  even  the  hope  of  it. 

i 


114        RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY  LIFE         1855 

I  should  be  perplexed  to  form  a  plan  of  campaign, 
still  more  to  carry  it  out.'  In  short,  the  fall  of 
Sebastopol  had  destroyed  the  power  of  Eussia  in  the 
Black  Sea ;  and  therefore  the  occupation  of  the 
Crimea,  whilst  it  would  entail  great  losses  and 
considerable  risk,  would  be  of  no  special  value. 

The  two  allied  Command  ers-in-Chief,  Simpson  and 
Pelissier,  were  men  of  very  different  character  and 
also  of  general  appearance.  The  one  was  a  tall,  thin 
Scotchman ;  the  other  a  short,  stout,  thick-set 
Norman.  The  first  time  they  met  after  the  capture 
of  the  city,  Pelissier  rushed  up  to  the  English  general 
and  embraced  him  with  great  fervour,  having  almost 
to  climb  up  to  reach  his  cheek.  The  English  staff 
were  amused  at  this  demonstration,  and  said  to 
Simpson,  '  Why  General,  Pelissier  kissed  you ! ' 
And  his  reply,  with  a  strong  national  dialect,  was : 
*  Well,  it  was  a  great  occasion,  and  I  could  na'  resist 
him.' 

As  there  was  nothing  specially  to  be  done — at  all 
events,  until  the  English  and  French  Governments  had 
made  up  what  they  were  pleased  to  call  their  minds 
as  to  future  operations — I  was  fortunate  enough  in 
November  to  obtain  a  few  weeks'  leave,  and  went  off 
to  Malta  for  a  holiday.  On  arriving  at  Constantinople 
I  embarked  in  a  small  store  steamer,  in  whicli  there 
was  only  one  passenger  besides  myself — a  private 
soldier  on  his  way  to  England.  So,  we  talked  of  the 


1855  WEARY   OF  THE  WAR  115 

war,  and  on  my  asking  who  had  ordered  him  home, 
he  replied :  '  The  Minister  for  War,  sir.'  On  my 
asking  why,  he  said,  '  I'm  in  charge  of  his  brother, 
sir.'  This  seemed  rather  incomprehensible,  so  I 
added,  *  Where  is  his  brother  ?  '  '  Sure,  he's  in  the 
hold,  sir.'  This  bewildered  me  still  more;  but  it 
appeared  that  the  soldier  had  been  present  at  the 
funeral  of  Colonel  the  Honourable  Lauderdale  Maule, 
who  died  of  cholera  at  Varna  just  before  we  left  in  the 
autumn  of  1854,  and  had  been  sent  to  exhume  the 
body  and  bring  it  to  England  at  the  request  of  his 
brother,  Lord  Pahmure. 

When  I  returned  to  the  Crimea  at  the  end  of  the 
year,  although  active  operations  were  necessarily 
suspended  for  the  winter,  we  were  busily  occupied 
in  blowing  up  the  docks,  forts,  and  barracks,  and  in 
carrying  off  the  Eussian  guns  out  of  the  arsenal 
(about  2,000  in  number)  and  thus  completing  the 
destruction  of  Sebastopol.  Preparations  were  also 
being  made  for  a  renewal  of  hostilities  in  the  spring 
in  some  other  part  of  the  Eussian  Empire.  But  in 
reality  a  change  was  coming  over  the  scene,  and, 
instead  of  action,  reaction  had  set  in.  In  the  first 
place,  France  was  tired  of  the  war.  Her  finances 
were  exhausted  and  her  troops  anxious  to  return 
home.  On  the  other  hand,  Eussia  also  was  crippled, 
both  as  to  men  and  means.  England,  so  tardy  at  the 
outset  and  so  unprepared,  was  indeed  the  only  Power 

i  2 


Il6         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A    MILITARY   LIFE         1855 

which  apparently  had  the  will  or  vigour  left  to  con- 
tinue the  contest.  Our  troops  during  the  second 
winter  were  well  clothed,  housed,  and  fed,  and  as 
healthy  as  at  home ;  and  their  numbers  were  daily 
increasing.  At  the  beginning  of  1856  we  had  up- 
wards of  50,000  men  and  96  field  guns  in  the  Crimea, 
with  considerable  reserves  both  at  Malta  and  in  Eng- 
land. The  administrative  departments,  also,  were 
becoming  models  of  efficiency ;  and  the  transport 
branch,  which  hardly  existed  at  the  outset,  had  no  less 
than  28,000  animals  collected  and  ready  for  the  field. 
In  the  meantime  the  Turkish  contingent  had 
occupied  Kertch  and  Enikale,  at  the  entrance  to 
the  Sea  of  Azov  ;  and  in  January  1856  I  was  sent  by 
Sir  William  Codrington  (who  had  succeeded  Sir 
James  Simpson  as  Commander-in-Chief)  on  a  mission 
to  General  Vivian  in  command  of  the  troops  there. 
A  French  officer  accompanied  me,  and  we  were  con- 
veyed in  H.M.S.  '  Stromboli,'  our  instructions  being, 
in  the  first  place,  to  make  a  rapid  survey  along  the 
coast  of  the  Crimea  in  order  to  ascertain  if  the  Bay 
of  Kaffa,  or  its  neighbourhood,  were  fortified  and  held 
in  strength  by  the  Eussians  ;  and,  if  not,  whether  it 
offered  facilities  for  landing.  On  arrival  at  Kertch, 
we  were  directed  to  confer  with  General  Vivian  as  to 
the  defences  and  to  inquire  whether  he  desired  re- 
inforcements or  assistance  of  any  kind,  naval  or 
military,  and  then  to  return  forthwith  to  Sebastopol. 


1856  END   OF  THE   CRIMEAN   CAMPAIGN  117 

The  fact  was,  that  information  had  been  received 
that  Kertch  was  shortly  to  be  attacked  by  the 
Eussians  in  force,  and  the  Commander-in- Chief  was 
desirous  of  ascertaining  General  Vivian's  views  on  the 
position.  I  remember  when  handing  him  the  letter 
from  Sir  William  Codrington,  he  confirmed  the  rumour 
of  the  expected  attack,  and  as  to  holding  out  said, 
*  I  can  tell  you  at  once  ;  I  shall  be  able  to  hold  out 
for  about  five-and-twenty  minutes.'  He  did  not,  of 
•course,  intend  his  words  to  be  taken  literally,  but 
explained  that  in  his  opinion  the  place  was  not  ten- 
able against  a  powerful  assault.  Extensive  earth- 
works had  been  constructed  and  armed  on  some  of 
the  heights ;  but  they  were  commanded  by  others, 
and  there  was  an  entire  deficiency  of  water  in  the 
outlying  forts.  However,  after  remaining  a  few  days 
at  Kertch,  information  was  received  of  the  prob- 
abilities of  peace,  and  in  February  the  representa- 
tives of  the  allied  powers  having  met  at  Paris,  towards 
the  end  of  March  an  armistice  was  proclaimed,  and 
the  war  came  to  an  end. 

So  ended  the  great  Crimea  campaign,  of  which  my 
narrative  necessarily  gives  but  a  short  and  imperfect 
sketch.  To  the  present  generation  it  is  now  a  mere 
matter  of  history,  and  few  remain  of  all  those  who 
took  part  in  a  contest  which,  at  the  time,  so  deeply 
affected  the  people  of  this  country,  and,  indeed,  of  the 
whole  of  Europe.  The  long  siege,  with  its  battles, 


Il8         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1856 

vicissitudes,  and  sufferings,  forms,  however,  a  remark- 
able page  in  the  annals  of  war.  Of  my  own  corps, 
13  officers  were  killed1  and  29  wounded.  Alto- 
gether, no  less  than  10,508  officers  and  men  of 
the  Eoyal  Artillery  served  during  the  campaign,  of 
whom  1,520  died,  either  killed  in  action  or  from 
wounds  and  sickness. 

Many  weeks  elapsed  before  the  allied  armies  had 
altogether  quitted  the  Crimea ;  and  in  the  meantime 
we  wandered  about  and  formed  acquaintances  with 
the  Eussians,  who  were  always  civil  and  good- 
natured.  At  the  end  of  the  harbour  of  Sebastopol 
were  extensive  marshes,  filled  with  frogs,  which  kept 
up  an  incessant  croaking.  The  French  soldiers  were 
in  the  habit  of  catching  and  eating  them  in  large 
quantities,  but  the  English  despised  such  food.  It 
was  said  that  the  frogs,  after  a  time,  learnt  to  distin- 
guish between  the  two  nations,  and  that  when  our 
men  appeared  in  their  red  coats  the  frogs  chirped 
away  merrily,  but  when  they  saw  soldiers  in  red 
trousers  approaching,  down  they  went,  and  remained 
perfectly  mute  till  the  danger  had  passed  away.  Se 
non  e  vero,  e  ben  trovato. 

I  did  not  leave  the  Crimea  until  June,  and  then 
embarked   with   a   battery   of    Horse   Artillery   for 

1  Names  of  artillery  officers  killed  :  Brig.-General  Strange-ays, 
Major  Townsend ;  Captains  Oldfield,  Fitzroy,  Childers,  Dew,  A. 
Gordon,  and  Snow ;  Lieutenants  Cockerell,  Walsharn,  Luce,  Mitchell, 
and  Asst.-Commissary  Hayter. 


1856  THE   SHIP   ON   FIRE  119 

liome.  The  weather  was  beautiful,  and,  after  passing 
through  the  Bosphorus  and  Dardanelles,  we  were 
steaming  along  past  the  Greek  Islands  when  my 
servant  one  morning  came  into  the  cabin  and  said  I 
had  better  get  up.  As  it  was  only  just  daylight  I 
did  not  take  the  hint.  Presently,  however,  he  looked 
in  again,  repeating  his  suggestion.  On  my  asking 
why  he  disturbed  me  at  such  an  early  hour,  he 
replied  :  '  I  beg  your  pardon,  sir,  but  the  ship  is  on 
fire  ! '  This  altered  the  situation ;  I  lost  no  time 
injumping  into  my  clothes,  went  on  deck,  where 
I  perceived  smoke  coming  up  through  the  hatch- 
ways. Going  on  to  the  bridge  I  inquired  of  the 
captain,  who  informed  me  that  the  fire  was  in  the 
powder  magazine  !  It  seems  that  having  all  the 
ammunition  boxes  and  stores  of  a  battery  of  Horse 
Artillery  on  board,  the  ordinary  magazine  was 
insufficient,  and  a  temporary  arrangement  had 
been  made  on  the  lower  deck.  It  is  supposed 
that  by  some  accident  a  box  of  lucifer  matches 
had  ignited,  and  set  fire  to  the  whole  concern. 
Captain  Dyneley,  E.H.A.,  with  a  few  men  at  once 
went  below,  and  passing  down  buckets  of  water 
the  fire  was  gradually  extinguished,  the  boxes  hauled 
up  and  laid  on  deck,  several  of  them  considerably 
burnt.  It  was  a  critical  half-hour,  but  nothing 
could  be  more  quiet  and  steady  than  the  conduct  of 
all  on  board.  In  the  midst  of  our  trouble  the  'Charle- 


120         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1856 

magne,'  a  French  line-of-battle  ship,  came  up  close 
to  us,  crammed  with  troops,  and  offered  help.  We, 
however,  explained  that  we  had  plenty  of  men  on 
board,  and  in  a  short  time  we  were  able  to  say 
that  all  danger  was  at  an  end,  and  separated  with 
three  cheers  from  both  vessels.  That  was  my  last 
adventure  connected  with  the  Crimean  war. 


121 


CHAPTEE   XII 

TflE   INDIAN    MUTINY 

IN  the  early  part  of  1857  I  was  stationed  at  Cork 
Harbour  in  command  of  a  few  men  on  Spike  Island, 
a  period  of  tranquillity  after  all  the  anxieties  of  the 
great  Crimean  war.  The  tranquillity,  however,  was 
not  destined  to  last  very  long.  One  day  towards 
the  end  of  May  I  crossed  the  harbour  to  call  on  a 
gentleman  in  the  neighbourhood  who  had  just 
returned  from  Cork,  and  on  my  asking  if  there  was 
any  news,  he  said  that  a  remarkable  telegram  had 
been  received  from  India  that  a  native  regiment  at 
Meerut  had  killed  its  English  officers  and  was 
marching  on  Delhi.  That  was  the  first  news  of  the 
great  Mutiny.  It  also  stated  that  the  natives  in 
parts  of  India  were  passing  chew-patties  from  village 
to  village.  What  was  a  chew-patty?  Nobody 
could  tell  us.  It  turned  out  to  be  a  sort  of  pan- 
cake ;  but  why  the  natives  should  specially  pass 
round  pancakes,  and  presumably  eat  them,  as  a 
signal  of  rebellion  no  one  could  explain.  Week  after 
week  the  news  became  more  serious,  and  troops 


122         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

of  all  arms  were  sent  off  in  large  numbers  round  the 
Cape.  Towards  the  end  of  July,  being  in  London,  I 
received  information  that  the  Duke  of  Cambridge 
had  appointed  me  Assistant  Adjutant-General  of  the 
batteries  of  Eoyal  Artillery,  then  on  their  voyage  ; 
and  about  the  middle  of  August  I  left  via  Egypt. 
There  was,  of  course,  no  Suez  canal  in  those  days, 
and  the  railway  from  Alexandria  only  went  as  far  as 
Cairo. 

Generals  Dupuis  and  Windham,  and  many  other 
officers,  were  of  the  party ;  and  from  Cairo  we  had 
to  cross  the  desert  (about  ninety  miles)  in  uncom- 
fortable carriages  like  bathing  machines.  There  was 
no  steamer  at  Suez,  and  we  were  detained  a  week  at 
that  dismal  village  of  the  desert,  receiving  occasional 
news  that  matters  were  becoming  worse  and  worse 
in  India.  The  only  hotel  was  crowded  with  English 
officers,  with  little  to  eat  and  not  a  drop  of  water 
except  what  was  brought  in  skins  on  camels  from 
the  Nile,  nearly  100  miles  away.  At  last,  however, 
the  '  Bentinck '  arrived,  carried  us  slowly  down  the 
Eed  Sea,  with  the  thermometer  at  96  degrees  ;  in 
a  week  we  were  at  Aden,  thermometer  still  ris- 
ing, and  ten  days  afterwards  at  Galle.  At  Madras 
we  heard  of  the  fall  of  Delhi,  and  on  October  5 
our  long  voj'age  in  the  'Bentinck'  came  to  an 
end,  and  we  steamed  up  the  Hoogly  to  Calcutta. 
Several  years  afterwards,  when  inspecting  the  de- 


1857  CRITICAL   CONDITION    OF  AFFAIRS  123: 

fences  of  the  river  with  Sir  William  Mansfield,  the 
Commander-in-Chief,  we  came  across  the  wreck  of 
the  '  Bentinck '  lying  in  a  field  at  some  distance 
from  shore,  and  found  that  a  short  time  pre- 
viously she  had  been  caught  by  a  tidal  wave  called 
'  a  great  bore,'  and  was  thrown  up  high  and  dry  in 
the  field.  In  the  course  of  my  career  I  have  occa- 
sionally met  a  great  bore,  but  never  to  be  so 
completely  stranded  as  was  the  case  with  the  old 
steamer. 

JVIatters  were  in  a  somewhat  critical  condition  on 
our  arrival  at  Calcutta,  for  although  the  fall  of  Delhi 
had  given  a  severe  blow  to  the  mutineers,  still  we 
had  no  force  of  much  strength  to  take  the  field  ;  and 
the  garrison  of  Lucknow  under  Outram  and 
Havelock,  with  many  women  and  children,  were  en- 
tirely surrounded,  mere  scraps  of  intelligence  only 
arriving  from  them  occasionally.  I  had  several 
interviews  with  Sir  Colin  Campbell,  who  was  very 
anxious  to  collect  a  sufficient  force  for  the  relief  of 
Lucknow.  During  October  troops  of  all  arms  arrived 
in  quick  succession  after  a  three  months'  voyage 
round  the  Cape,  but  the  great  difficulty  was  trans- 
port. The  railway  extended  to  Eaneegunge,  120 
miles  up  country,  but  beyond  that  point  our  means 
only  enabled  us  to  push  forward  about  100  men 
a  day,  either  in  bullock  carts  or  by  march.  An- 
other difficulty  was  the  provision  of  horses  for  the 


124         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

artillery.  In  fact,  the  whole  of  Central  India  from 
Delhi  to  Lucknow  was  practically  in  the  possession 
of  the  mutineers,  who  fortunately  had  no  generals 
to  lead  them,  and  were  content  for  the  most  part  to 
hover  about  and  pillage  as  they  could.  Slowly, 
however,  as  our  forces  in  a  long  thin  line  marched 
upwards  towards  Allahabad  and  Cawnpore,  the  tide 
began  to  turn,  and  on  October  27  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  left  Calcutta  for  the  North. 

The  general  conditions  of  the  Mutiny  campaign 
formed,  indeed,  a  striking  contrast  to  those  of  the 
Crimean  war.  In  the  latter  case,  the  allied  armies — 
English,  French,  Sardinian,  and  Turkish — amounting 
to  nearly  200,000  men,  had  been  virtually  shut  up  in 
a  corner,  and  compelled  to  fight  a  series  of  battles  on 
the  same  ground,  in  order  to  gain  possession  of  the 
Eussian  stronghold.  In  the  present  instance  the 
circumstances  were  all  the  other  way.  A  vast  conti- 
nent was  in  a  great  measure  over-run,  and  its  muni- 
tions and  military  stores  were  temporarily  in  the  hands 
of  a  great  mutinous  army,  more  or  less  in  sympathy 
with  the  inhabitants ;  whilst  the  English  troops  in 
small  scattered  detachments,  often  hundreds  of  miles 
apart,  were  fighting  a  succession  of  battles,  with  their 
communications  precarious,  and  for  the  moment 
without  the  power  of  concentration. 

To  a  stranger  landing  in  India  for  the  first  time, 
knowing  nothing  of  the  language  or  the  customs  of 


1857  PERSONAL   PERPLEXITIES  125 

the  people,  more  especially  in  the  middle  of  a  revolu- 
tion, there  were  many  minor  personal  perplexities, 
especially  about  servants.  Their  very  titles  were 
embarrassing.  Bearers,  kitmagars,  dhobies,  durzees, 
bheesties,  chuprassies,  punkah-wallahs,  hookahbadars, 
syces,  and  others.  What  were  their  duties  ?  That 
was  the  point.  Because  in  India,  as  we  soon  found,  one 
man  will  only  do  his  own  mite  of  work,  and  scorns 
the  idea  of  making  himself  generally  useful.  Any 
attempt  to  enlarge  the  sphere  of  their  duties  would 
lead,  so  we  were  told,  to  loss  of  caste.  There  were, 
of  course,  exceptional  cases,  such  as  that  of  the  native 
servant  who,  on  being  asked  by  a  new-comer  as  to 
his  caste,  replied,  '  Same  caste  as  master,  drink 
brandy  sahib.'  Owing  to  the  great  influx  of  officers 
from  home,  all  in  a  hurry  to  be  off,  servants  were 
especially  difficult  to  find.  1  was  fortunate  enough  to 
get  an  old  fellow  whose  name  was  Buktum  Hassan  to 
take  care  of  me.  He  could  not  speak  a  word  of 
English,  and  slept  away  his  time  on  a  mat  outside 
my  door.  I  believe  he  was  a  bearer,  and  a  Hindoo, 
but  he  would  not  come  near  me  at  dinner  time. 
Subsequently  I  procured  another  servant,  who  con- 
descended to  wait  on  me  at  dinner,  but  I  was  cautioned 
not  on  any  account  to  eat  ham  in  his  presence. 
Curry  and  rice  he  did  not  object  to.  Two  Sepoys, 
also,  were  appropriated  for  my  service  as  orderlies. 
They  were  tall,  dark,  spare  men,  and  all  day  waited 


126         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

patiently  in  the  corridor  in  uniform,  strictly  buttoned 
up,  with  belts  and  boots.  The  first  evening  they  said 
something,  which  being  interpreted  was  that  they 
wished  to  go  home  :  they  then  proceeded  to  take  off 
all  their  clothes,  except  a  loin  cloth,  made  them  up 
into  a  bundle,  and  leaving  them  in  a  corner  of  my 
room,  marched  happily  away. 

The  greater  portion  of  the  batteries  from  England 
having  arrived,  General  Dupuis  and  his  staff  followed 
the  Commander-in-Chief  up  country  on  November  12. 
The  journey  to  Benares  occupied  five  days,  and  from 
Eaneegunge  we  were  conveyed  in  dawk  gharries 
.about  eighty  miles  a  day,  passing  on  the  road  every 
few  hours  detachments  of  troops  of  all  arms,  hurrying 
forward,  some  in  bullock  carts,  some  on  the  march. 
Portions  of  the  road,  especially  near  the  river  Soane, 
were  unsafe  from  the  vicinity  of  straggling  parties 
of  mutineers,  and  we  had  to  be  protected  occasion- 
ally by  an  escort. 

Kemajning  a  few  hours  in  a  bungalow  outside 
Benares,  we  found  time  to  pay  a  hurried  visit 
to  this  celebrated  city.  As  an  instance  of  the  pre- 
carious nature  of  our  long  line  of  communications, 
it  may  be  mentioned  that  although  its  inhabitants 
were  in  a  restless,  disaffected  condition,  the  garrison 
only  consisted  of  a  weak  company  of  infantry  and 
two  field  guns.  On  the  morning  after  our  arrival 
I  was  informed  that  '  the  elephant  was  at  the  door,' 


1857  BENARES  127 

in  readiness  to  take  us  into  the  city.  It  had  no 
howdah,  so  we  climbed  up  and  sat  on  a  large 
stuffed  mattress.  The  environs  consisted  of  tombs, 
temples,  ruins,  mosques,  and  gardens.  The  streets 
were  crammed  with  people,  and  with  little  Brahminy 
bulls  wandering  about ;  in  some  parts  the  elephant 
was  too  wide  for  the  narrow,  tortuous  passages,  so  that 
we  had  to  dismount  and  walk.  In  one  Hindoo  temple 
which  we  visited,  a  fanatic,  or  possibly  a  lunatic,  was 
seated  in  a  niche.  He  was  quite  naked  and  covered 
with,  dust,  but,  oddly  enough,  had  a  fuschia  flower 
lying  on  the  top  of  his  shaven  head.  He  sat  perfectly 
mute  and  still,  and  took  no  apparent  notice  of  anybody, 
so  that  it  was  impossible  to  ascertain  what  object  he 
expected  to  accomplish  by  so  sedentary  and  mono- 
tonous an  existence. 

We  were  rather  a  large  party  at  the  hotel  bungalow, 
some  being  officers  newly  arrived  and  others  who  had 
served  for  years  in  the  country,  and  who  were  very 
good  natured  in  giving  us  information.  Colonel  David 
Wood,  of  the  Horse  Artillery,  was  one  of  the  new- 
comers, and  had  a  habit  occasionally  of  assuming 
ignorance  on  minor  points  which  perhaps  was  not 
always  genuine.  During  dinner  he  turned  gravely  to 
one  of  the  old  Indian  officers  and  said,  *  Can  you  tell 
me,  what  is  a  dhobie  ? '  They  all  laughed,  and  it  was 
explained  that  a  dhobie  was  a  man  who  washed  your 
clothes.  Wood,  still  quite  grave,  said :  "  Oh,  that 


128         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

accounts  for  the  difficulty.  I  told  mine  to  clean  my 
horse,  and  he  refused.  I  will  discharge  him  to- 
morrow.' The  old  Indian  officer,  however,  assured 
him  that  a  dhobie  was  absolutely  necessary.  Wood 
replied  that  he  never  required  washing  on  active 
service.  'You  must  surely  have  your  shirts  washed/ 
was  the  rejoinder.  '  Not  at  all,'  said  Wood.  '  I 
always  wear  a  flannel  shirt  in  the  field,  and  as  soon 
as  it  gets  dirty  or  worn  out  I  throw  it  away  and  put 
on  another.' 


129 


CHAPTER  XIII 

THE    BATTLES   AT    CAWNPORE. 

ON  November  19  we  reached  Allahabad,  an  interest- 
ing old  fortress  at  the  junction  of  the  Ganges  and 
Jumna  ;  but  important  events  were  taking  place,  and 
we  hurried  on  and  reached  Cawnpore  on  the  21st. 
On  our  arrival  we  found  that  Sir  Colin  Campbell,  with 
nearly  all  the  troops  available,  had  left  a  few  days 
previously  for  Lucknow,  and  that  serious  fighting 
had  taken  place  there  on  the  16th  and  17th  ;  but 
the  communications  were  subsequently  interrupted 
by  the  mutineers  in  Oude,  and  for  some  days  no 
further  information  could  be  obtained  as  to  the 
progress  of  affairs.  It  was  a  critical  period  of  the 
campaign.  As  already  explained,  the  garrison  of 
Lucknow,  with  many  women  and  children,  fifty  miles 
distant,  had  been  entirely  shut  up  and  surrounded  by 
multitudes  of  mutineers  for  weeks  past,  and  was 
running  short  of  provisions,  so  that  its  relief  had 
become  a  very  urgent  necessity.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  great  bulk  of  our  troops,  anxious  as  they  were 
to  reach  the  scene,  owing  to  want  of  means  of 

K 


130        RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A    MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

rapid  conveyance,  were  still  moving  up  in  driblets 
along  the  600  miles  of  road  from  Calcutta  to  Cawn- 
pore.  So  that  when  the  Commander-in-Chief  had 
crossed  the  Ganges  on  his  adventurous  march  to 
Lucknow,  he  was  only  able  to  take  with  him  about 
6,000  infantry  and  a  moderate  force  of  cavalry  and 
artillery. 

But  that  was  not  all.  Cawnpore,  his  only  base, 
was  in  a  precarious,  defenceless  condition,  and  when 
Sir  Colin  had  left  and  placed  Windham  in  command 
of  it,  there  were  only  450  infantry  remaining  for 
its  protection.  The  defences  of  Cawnpore  were  insig- 
nificant. A  small  incomplete  earthwork  had  been 
made  on  the  bank  of  the  river  with  a  view  to  protect 
the  bridge  of  boats,  and  lying  all  round  it  were  the 
ruins  of  burnt  bungalows  and  a  general  scene  of 
confusion  and  desolation ;  and  beyond  again,  at  a 
few  hundred  yards,  stood  the  large  city,  composed, 
as  usual,  of  a  wilderness  of  narrow  tortuous  streets, 
and  devoid  of  any  external  defences.  So  that  it  was 
not  a  favourable  position  to  hold,  even  had  a  con- 
siderable force  been  available.  The  difficulties  and 
dangers  of  the  situation  were  indeed  obvious.  No 
sooner  had  the  Commander-in-Chief  crossed  the 
Ganges  and  marched  in  one  direction,  than  the 
Gwalior  contingent — a  well  trained  force  which, 
joined  by  other  mutineers,  amounted  to  about  25,000 
men — with  a  powerful  artillery  of  40  guns,  field 


1857  DEFENCE   OF   CAWNPORE  131 

and  heavy,  was  reported  as  advancing  in  several 
columns  from  Calpee  forty-six  miles  distant  on  the 
other  side. 

The  instructions  given  to  General  Windham 
were  as  follows.  The  force  at  his  command  for 
the  time  was  estimated  at  about  500  men ;  and  the 
detachments  of  troops  as  they  arrived  up  country 
were  to  be  sent  on  to  Sir  Colin  Campbell  at  Lucknow. 
Windham  was  directed  to  strengthen  the  entrench- 
ment, and  also  to  watch  carefully  the  movements  of 
the  Gwalior  contingent ;  and  should  it  indicate  an 
intention  of  advancing,  he  was  to  make  as  great  a 
show  as  possible  by  encamping  his  small  detachments 
conspicuously  outside  the  city,  leaving  a  guard  in 
the  earthwork.  If  he  should  be  seriously  threat- 
ened, he  was  to  communicate  with  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  as  to  detaining  some  of  the  troops  arriving,  to 
assist  in  the  defence.  From  a  military  point  of  view, 
it  is  evident  that,  whilst  Sir  Colin's  position  was 
somewhat  critical,  that  of  Windham  was  far  more  so. 
The  general,  however,  lost  no  time  in  carrying  out 
his  orders.  The  entrenchment  was  extended  and 
strengthened  with  a  few  guns,  and  its  glacis  cleared. 
The  troops  were  encamped  outside  ;  but  whether  this 
rather  transparent  artifice  would  have  much  moral 
effect  on  the  enemy  may  be  doubted,  especially  as  they 
had  ample  means  of  obtaining  correct  information 
from  their  friends  in  Cawnpore.  On  the  other  hand, 

K  2 


132         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

it  was  very  difficult  to  procure  accurate  accounts  of 
the  movements  of  the  Gwalior  force.  In  the  absence 
of  cavalry,  native  spies  were  the  only  resource  ;  but 
some  of  these  were  caught  and  mutilated  by  the 
enemy ;  besides  which,  under  the  circumstances  of 
the  general  disaffection,  their  fidelity  could  not  in  all 
cases  be  relied  on. 

The  duty  of  obtaining  intelligence  was  entrusted 
to  Captain  Bruce,  commonly  called  '  the  intelligent 
Bruce,'  an  excellent  officer  who  was  also  a  magis- 
trate. As  all  the  prisons  had  been  destroyed,  the 
only  punishments  available  for  criminal  natives  were 
hanging  and  flogging,  and  in  this  horrible  occupation 
he  was  engaged  every  day.  He  held  his  court  in  the 
open  air  in  the  yard  of  a  ruined  bungalow,  sur- 
rounded by  the  debris  of  smashed  furniture. 
Amongst  others,  he  captured  a  native  of  rank,  a 
friend  of  ISTana  Sahib's,  and  on  threatening  him  with 
death,  the  native  reluctantly  gave  information  which 
led  to  the  discovery  of  about  £10,000  in  money  and  a 
quantity  of  jewellery,  &c.,  which  had  been  looted  and 
hidden  away.  I  paid  one  or  two  visits  to  the  bunga- 
low, which  had  been  the  scene  of  the  massacre,  a  few 
months  previously,  of  the  English  women  and  chil- 
dren by  Nana  Sahib.  The  well  into  which  their 
bodies  were  thrown  had  been  filled  up  and  closed ; 
but  on  the  walls  of  the  house  were  still  remaining 
some  half- obliterated  writing  and  stains  of  blood, 


857  APPROACH    OF  THE   MUTINEERS  133 

and  in  the  bushes  of  the  garden,  fragments  of  chil- 
dren's clothing. 

Events  were  now  hurrying  on  to  a  climax. 
General  Windham,  a  few  days  after  the  departure  of 
Sir  Colin,  sent  a  message  informing  him  of  the  rapid 
approach  of  the  Gwalior  contingent,  and  obtained 
authority  to  detain  some  of  the  new  arrivals,  so  that 
by  November  26,  when  the  first  battle  occurred,  he 
had  about  1,700  men  and  10  guns  drawn  by  bullocks 
at  his  disposal.  But  of  these,  four  companies  of 
infantry  and  a  few  artillerymen  had  to  be  left  on 
guard  in  the  entrenchments,  so  that  his  movable  field 
force  was  still  very  limited.  In  the  meantime,  how- 
ever, the  road  to  Lucknow  became  closed,  and  for 
several  days  after  November  19  no  information 
whatever  was  received.  On  the  night  of  the 
23rd  a  tiny  note,  rolled  up  and  concealed  in  a  quill 
(which  was  the  method  commonly  adopted),  was 
brought  in  by  a  native  from  Lucknow.  It  proved 
to  be  from  a  commissariat  officer,  who  asked  for  more 
provisions  at  once,  but  said  he  could  give  no  opinion 
on  military  matters,  except  that  they  were  compli- 
cated. The  native  who  brought  the  note  received  50 
rupees  (£•)}. 

On  the  other  side  the  mutineers  from  Calpee  were 
now  rapidly  approaching  in  distinct  divisions,  and 
had  arrived  at  several  villages  within  a  few  miles  of 
Cawnpore,  and  General  Windham  felt  he  could  no 


134         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

longer  remain  inactive.  On  the  24th  he  advanced 
his  camp  a  few  miles  along  the  Calpee  road  up  to  the 
Ganges  canal,  which  runs  across  the  country,  and  when 
its  bridges  were  guarded  it  served  as  a  wide  wet  ditch 
along  his  front.  The  Gwalior  contingent,  however, 
began  to  assume  the  offensive,  and  spies  reported  the 
advance  of  their  main  body  from  Akbarpore  to 
Suchonlee,  and  that  their  leading  division  was  on  the 
Pandoo  river,  only  three  miles  from  the  British  camp. 
At  daybreak  on  November  26  our  men  were  under 
arms,  and  Windham,  with  ten  men  of  the  9th  Lancers 
and  a  few  sowars,  went  forward  to  reconnoitre,  and, 
finding  that  the  mutineers  were  on  the  move,  led 
forward  his  troops  at  once  to  the  attack.  His  force 
consisted  of  about  1,200  men,  being  detachments  of 
the  34th,  82nd,  88th,  and  Eifle  Brigade.  He  also  had 
eight  guns,  all  drawn  by  bullocks ;  four  manned  by 
natives  from  Madras,  the  others  by  a  few  gunners  of 
the  Royal  and  Bengal  Artillery  and  some  Sikhs — a 
sort  of  improvised  battery  got  up  for  the  occasion. 
The  British  troops  advanced  cheerfully  to  the  attack. 
When  these  reached  the  enemy's  position,  which  was 
on  the  other  side  of  the  almost  dry  bed  of  the  Pandoo 
river,  the  mutineers  opened  fire  from  some  heavy  guns, 
and  poured  in  several  rounds  of  grape,  as  we  neared 
them.  Our  artillery  at  once  replied.  Nothing,  however, 
could  restrain  the  eagerness  of  our  men,  who  came  on 
with  a  rush,  cheering  as  they  went,  crossed  the  river, 


1857  DEFEAT   OF   THE    ENEMY  135 

and  captured  the  position.  The  enemy  retreated  in 
haste,  leaving  three  guns  and  some  ammunition  wag- 
gons in  our  hands.  We  followed  them  for  some 
distance,  and  Windham,  having  halted  for  a  couple 
of  hours  to  rest  his  men,  then  withdrew,  as  he  had 
intended,  to  his  original  position  outside  Cawnpore, 
taking  the  captured  guns  with  him.  The  mutineers 
were  evidently  in  considerable  strength,  and,  not- 
withstanding their  defeat,  followed  us  at  a  distance 
as  we  withdrew.  Our  loss  was  rather  severe,  consider- 
ing the  rapidity  with  which  the  attack  had  been 
carried  out.  One  young  officer,  Captain  .Day  of  the 
88th,  was  killed,  being  struck  by  a  round  shot  and 
knocked  down  a  well. 

Our  total  casualties  were  : — 

Killed       ....        1  officer    13  men 
Wounded          ...        5  officers  73 


6  86  =  92 

General  Windham  on  his  return  at  length  re- 
ceived the  long  desired  letter  from  Lucknow.  It 
was  a  short  note  from  General  Mansfield,  chief  of  the 
Staff,  saying  that  all  was  well  and  they  were  coming 
back  at  once  to  Cawnpore. 

November  27  proved  to  be  a  very  eventful  day. 
Our  small  field  force,  as  I  have  explained,  was  en- 
camped outside  the  city,  not  far  from  the  point  where 
the  great  trunk  road  crossed  that  from  Cawnpore  to 
Calpee.  General  Windham  naturally  hoped  that  the 


136 


RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A    MILITARY   LIFE 


1857 


successful  blow  he  had  delivered  on  the  previous 
day  would  at  all  events  so  far  tend  to  discourage  the 
mutineers  as  to  delay  their  movements  and  give  time 
for  the  return  of  the  Commander-in-Chief.  The  posi- 
tion, however,  was  critical.  Whilst  desirous  of  pre- 
senting a  bold  front  and  of  protecting  the  city,  it 


Plan  of  Cawnpore 

to  illustrate 
Battle  of  27  th.  Nov.  1857. 


was  evident  not  only  that  our  force  was  insufficient, 
but  that  the  right  flank  towards  the  Ganges  was  open 
to  attack  and  liable  to  be  turned.  At  daylight  the 
troops  were  again  under  arms,  and  part  of  the  34th 
and  82nd  regiments,  with  four  Madras  guns,  were 


1857  A   CRITICAL   POSITION  137 

detached  to  the  flank,  to  watch  the  road  from  Bithoor. 
Two  24-pounder  heavy  guns  on  travelling  carriages, 
each  drawn  by  a  string  of  bullocks  and  manned  by 
seamen  of  the  '  Shannon,'  under  Lieutenant  Hay, 
K.N.,  were  brought  out  from  the  entrenchment  to 
strengthen  the  position  in  front.  Lieutenant  Hay  had 
a  difficult  du.ty  to  perform.  In  the  first  place,  his  guns 
were  very  heavy  for  field  work ;  and  the  draught 
animals,  though  obedient  to  native  drivers,  were  so 
timid  that  if  an  English  soldier  or  sailor  approached, 
they  at  once  began  to  bolt,  and  became  unmanage- 
able. I  remember  discussing  the  matter  with  him 
in  the  morning,  and  suggested  that  in  the  event  of  a 
fight  he  should,  if  possible,  bring  his  guns  into 
action  on  the  high  road,  as  if  he  were  to  leave  it,  and 
get  into  heavy  ground  and  were  pressed,  he  might  be 
in  difficulties.  He  quite  concurred,  and  during  the 
battle,  which  lasted  all  day,  he  acted  accordingly, 
and  performed  excellent  service,  he  himself  being 
twice  wounded.1 

About  10  A.M.  a  cannonade  suddenly  commenced 
away  on  the  right,  followed  shortly  afterwards  by  a 
similar  demonstration  in  front.  The  mutineers  were 
evidently  determined  to  make  a  simultaneous  attack  on 
both  points,  and  although  for  the  time  they  held  back 
their  infantry,  their  artillery  fire  was  very  severe  and 

1  This  gallant  officer  was  killed  in  action  two  years  subsequently, 
in  the  New  Zealand  war,  where  he  had  command  of  the  '  Harrier.' 


138         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

continuous.  Windham,  conceiving  that  the  flank 
attack  might  prove  the  more  dangerous  of  the  two, 
proceeded  there  himself  in  the  first  instance,  but  on 
his  return  to  the  front  an  hour  afterwards,  found  that 
matters  were  becoming  serious.  Not  only  was  the  fire 
incessant,  but  there  were  indications  that  our  left  as 
well  as  our  right  was  threatened — in  faqt,  the  enemy 
were  in  great  strength  (in  a  semicircle)  all  round  us. 
The  battle  continued  for  several  hours  without  signs 
of  abatement,  our  ammunition  was  running  short, 
and  the  bullock  drivers  began  to  desert. 

Under  these  circumstances  General  Windham 
directed  his  troops  to  fall  back  a  short  distance,  until 
they  found  a  temporary  shelter  under  cover  of  some 
mounds  and  remains  of  old  brick  kilns  just  outside  the 
city.  It  seemed  now  that  the  position  might  be  held. 
Still  anxious  about  the  right  flank,  late  in  the  after- 
noon he  sent  an  aide-de-camp  to  obtain  information, 
and  shortly  afterwards  directed  me  to  ride  through 
the  streets  and  ascertain  the  state  of  affairs.  Whilst 
threading  the  narrow  lanes,  I  suddenly  met  the  aide- 
de-camp  coming  back  in  haste,  who  informed  me 
that  the  mutineers  were  in  possession  of  the  lower 
parts  of  the  town  and  had  just  fired  a  volley  at 
him.  At  this  moment  Windham  himself  joined  us. 
Whilst  deliberating  on  the  critical  position,  two  com- 
panies of  the  Rifle  Brigade  also  appeared  on  the 
scene,  as  if  they  had  dropped  from  the  clouds.  They 


1857  A   PLEASANT   SURPRISE  139 

had  been  marching  all  day  up  the  trunk  road,  hearing 
firing  in  various  directions,  but  unable  to  find  any- 
one to  give  them  information.  Windham  said  a  few 
words  to  them,  and,  placing  himself  at  their  head, 
away  they  went  cheering,  and  soon  cleared  the 
streets  of  the  enemy.  It  was,  however,  becoming 
dusk,  and  the  general,  feeling  that  it  was  impos- 
sible to  remain  in  the  exposed  position  outside  the 
city,  especially  as  his  troops  were  exhausted  and 
the  ammunition  running  short,  sent  me  to  General 
Dupuis,  who  was  for  the  moment  in  command  at 
the  front,  with  orders  to  withdraw  the  whole  force 
and  return  to  the  entrenchment  on  the  Ganges,  as 
otherwise  the  position  might  be  lost  and  the  bridge 
of  boats  destroyed.  The  retirement  through  the 
streets  was  conducted  without  haste  and  in  good 
order,  and  was  not  interfered  with  by  the  enemy. 
It  was  rather  remarkable  that  although  so  closely 
hemmed  in  by  the  mutineers,  they  did  not  at  first 
take  the  precaution  of  cutting  the  telegraph  wires, 
so  that  messages  were  sent  to  Lord  Canning  at 
Calcutta  of  the  results  of  each  day's  fighting. 
During  the  evening  General  Windham  held  a  consulta- 
tion with  the  senior  officers  with  a  view  to  a  night 
attack  on  the  mutineers,  but  in  the  absence  of  reliable 
information  as  to  their  position  the  idea  was  re- 
linquished. 

The   chief  officers  of  the  staff  were  temporarily 


140         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

accommodated  in  a  bungalow  outside  the  Fort ;  and 
late  at  night  Windham  came  in  and  stated  that  one 
of  the  heavy  naval  24-pounders  had  been  upset 
somewhere  in  the  streets  during  our  retreat  and  had 
been  left  behind,  and  he  requested  me  to  go  out  and 
if  possible  recover  it,  giving  me  carte  blanche  to 
make  any  arrangements  necessary  for  the  purpose. 
It  was  rather  like  looking  for  a  needle  in  a 
bundle  of  hay.  I  went  to  the  entrenchment,  ob- 
tained the  assistance  of  some  seamen  under  Mid- 
shipman Garvey ]  and  a  guard  of  50  infantry,  and, 
with  a  cart  containing  a  triangle-gyn  and  the  neces- 
sary tackle,  we  prepared  to  start.  Most  fortunately 
at  the  last  moment  we  found  one  of  the  native 
bullock  drivers,  who  said  he  knew  the  position  of 
the  lost  gun,  and  on  a  promise  of  a  few  rupees 
agreed  to  conduct  us  to  the  spot ;  and  so  under  his 
friendly  guidance  we  marched  off  into  the  darkness. 
Our  friendly  native,  however,  instead  of  entering  the 
city,  led  us  for  a  considerable  distance  through 
its  outskirts,  along  the  banks  of  the  Ganges  canal, 
and  some  doubts  arose  as  to  whether  he  was  not  wil- 
fully misleading  and  taking  us  into  the  enemy's  camp. 
However,  there  was  nothing  for  it  but  to  go  on,  and 
at  length,  becoming  very  excited,  he  turned  sharply 
into  the  town,  and  after  wandering  through  some  of 

o  o 

1  This  young  officer  was  subsequently  killed  at  Lucknow,  in  March 
1858. 


1857  THE    LOST   GUN  141 

the  narrow  lanes,  sure  enough  there  was  the  gun  lying 
upset  against  a  small  shop,  with  its  wheel  sunk  in 
a  narrow,  deep,  perpendicular  drain.  There  were 
planks  lying  about,  and  indications  that  the  enemy 
had  been  trying  to  extricate  it.  Small  parties  of  the 
infantry  were  immediately  placed  at  the  corners 
of  the  adjacent  streets,  so  as  to  isolate  us  from 
sudden  attack.  Their  orders  were  to  keep  per- 
fectly silent,  but  should  an  attempt  be  made  to  force 
their  position  they  were  to  fire  a  volley  and  charge. 
As- time  was  precious,  and  as  mounting  a  gyn  with 
its  tackle,  &c.,  in  the  dark  would  cause  delay,  it  was 
decided  to  try  and  pull  the  gun  out  of  its  awkward 
position  by  main  force  ;  and,  the  seamen  having  fas- 
tened a  rope  to  the  trail  and  working  with  a  will,  the 
attempt  succeeded,  and  so,  withdrawing  the  infantry, 
we  marched  back  to  the  fort  in  triumph.  The  coolie 
got  his  rupees  and  every  man  a  glass  of  grog,  and 
thus  all  ended  well.  On  returning  very  late  to  the 
bungalow,  the  staff  were  all  lying  about  asleep  on  the 
floor  in  the  various  rooms.  The  only  one  who  woke 
was  Colonel  Charles  Woodford,  of  the  Eifles,  to  whom 
I  mentioned  our  successful  adventure.  Poor  fellow  ! 
he  was  out  at  daylight  the  next  morning,  engaged  in 
the  severe  contest  which  took  place,  and  was  killed 
in  capturing  some  guns  from  the  mutineers  in  the 
open  plain. 

The  fighting  was  incessant.     On  the  morning  of 


142         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

the  28th  it  re-commenced  on  both  sides  of  the  city 
simultaneously,  and  for  the  third  day  in  succession. 
Away  on  the  left  in  the  open  plain,  near  the  ruins  of  the 
*  old  Dragoon  lines,'  the  Kifles,  with  part  of  the  82nd 
and  a  battery,  after  a  hard  contested  fight  drove  back 
the  mutineers  in  a  brilliant  manner  and  captured  two 
18-pounder  guns.  On  the  right,  along  the  Bithoor 
road,  a  second  battle  was  going  on  at  the  same  time, 
and  continued  all  day.  Brigadier  Carthew,  with  parts 
of  the  34th  and  82nd  regiments  and  the  Madras  bat- 
tery, held  a  position  somewhat  in  advance,  between 
the  city  and  the  Ganges,  and  was  attacked  with  over- 
whelming numbers,  but  maintained  the  position  until 
sunset.  Carthew  was  supported  by  a  part  of  the 
64th,  commanded  by  Colonel  Wilson,  who  during  the 
day,  in  endeavouring  to  capture  some  of  the  enemy's 
guns,  was  killed,  together  with  three  of  his  officers 
and  many  men.  Our  losses  during  the  three  days' 
fighting  were  9  officers  killed,  and  upwards  of  300 
officers  and  men  killed  and  wounded. 

I  have  thus  related  as  shortly  and  clearly  as  pos- 
sible the  general  features  of  the  battles  round  Cawn- 
pore,  at  the  end  of  November,  as  they  came  under  my 
notice  ;  because,  in  my  opinion,  much  injustice  was 
done  at  the  time  to  General  Windham,  who  was  a 
brave  soldier  and  an  excellent  leader,  and  whose 
difficulties  were  by  no  means  understood  and  appre- 
ciated. General  Windham,  in  anticipation  of  the 


i857      ARRIVAL   OF   THE   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF       143 

return  of  Sir  Colin  Campbell  from  Lucknow,  had  sent 
him  several  messages,  pointing  out  the  serious  nature 
of  the  attack  on  Cawnpore ;  and  on  the  evening  of 
the  28th  the  Commander-in-Chief  at  length  arrived, 
and  with  the  chief  part  of  his  force  encamped  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Ganges.  What  with  the  women  and 
children,  the  wounded  (amounting  in  all  to  2,000 
people),  and  the  usual  accumulations  of  camp  equipage 
and  stores  which  are  inseparable  from  an  Indian 
army  in  the  field,  his  line  of  march  extended  for  about 
twenty  miles ;  and  when  the  strings  of  elephants, 
camels,  bullock  waggons,  palanquins,  &c.,  began  to 
cross  the  bridge  of  boats  the  following  day,  the  scene 
was  more  like  the  emptying  of  Noah's  ark  than  any- 
thing else. 

The  mutineers,  who  had  now  full  possession  of  the 
city  and  its  suburbs,  brought  some  heavy  guns  to 
bear  on  the  bridge,  and  struck  the  boats  several 
times.  However,  on  November  29  and  30  the  whole 
force  crossed  the  Ganges  from  Oude  and  encamped 
outside  Cawnpore,  near  the  '  old  Dragoon  lines.' 
Although  all  pressing  danger  was  at  an  end  on  the 
return  of  Sir  Colin's  force,  still  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  had  to  proceed  with  considerable  caution.  His 
great  anxiety,  before  assuming  the  offensive,  was 
to  provide  for  the  safety  of  the  women,  children, 
and  wounded.  On  December  3  they  were  sent 
under  convoy  down  the  road  to  Allahabad,  and  the 


144         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY    LIFE         1857 

Commander-in-Chief  at  length  was  free  to  act  against 
the  mutineers,  who,  in  the  meantime,  had  harassed 
the  camp  by  occasional  demonstrations  and  artillery 
fire.  Although  the  enemy  were  in  full  possession  of 
Cawnpore,  their  main  position  was  on  the  plain  out- 
side, and  the  Ganges  canal  between  us  acted  as  a  wet 
ditch  along  their  front.  Sir  Colin  Campbell  computed 
their  numbers  as  about  25,000  men  with  36  guns. 

On  the  morning  of  December  6  the  British  camp 
was  struck,  and  about  noon  the  whole  force,  consisting 
of  5,000  infantry,  600  cavalry,  and  35  guns,  advanced 
across  the  open  to  the  attack.  The  cavalry  and  horse 
artillery  made  a  detour  to  the  left,  so  as  to  pass  over 
the  canal  by  a  bridge  a  mile  and  a  half  distant,  and 
threaten  the  enemy's  flank.  The  brigades  of  infantry 
supported  by  the  artillery,  advanced  steadily  in  ,  line 
across  the  plain,  but  were  somewhat  delayed  at  the 
Ganges  canal  owing  to  there  being  but  one  bridge 
within  reach.  This  obstacle  and  the  necessary  crowd- 
ing once  overcome,  they  rapidly  regained  their  for- 
mation, and,  spreading  out  like  a  fan,  soon  drove  the 
enemy  back,  and  ran  into  their  main  camp  at  1  P.M., 
Sir  Colin,  fine  old  soldier  as  he  was,  riding  in  front 
with  his  helmet  off,  cheering  on  his  panting  troops. 
The  mutineers  were  disorganised,  the  retreat  became 
a  rout,  and  they  fled  in  all  directions,  being  pursued 
by  Sir  Colin  and  staff  with  the  cavalry  and  horse 
artillery  up  to  the  fourteenth  mile-stone  along  the 


1857  ROUT   OF   THE   MUTINEERS  145 

Calpee  road,  every  gun  and  ammunition  waggon 
which  had  gone  in  that  direction  falling  into  our 
hands.  Heartily  tired,  we  returned  and  bivouacked 
that  night  in  the  plain  outside  Cawnpore.  I  could 
not  help  admiring  the  toughness  of  old  Sir  Colin,  who 
rolled  himself  up  in  a  blanket,  lay  down  to  sleep  in 
a  hole  in  a  field,  and  seemed  to  enjoy  it.  The  fol- 
lowing day  Brigadier-General  Hope  Grant,  with  the 
cavalry  and  horse  artillery,  followed  up  such  of  the 
mutineers  as  had  retreated  by  the  Bithoor  road, 
caught  them  just  as  they  were  about  to  cross  the 
Ganges,  capturing  the  remainder  of  their  guns  with- 
out any  casualties  on  our  side.  That  was  the  end 
of  the  Gwalior  contingent  as  a  fighting  force. 

The  loss  of  the  British  troops  on  the  6th  was 
about  100,  and  37  guns1  in  all  were  taken,  besides 
quantities  of  munitions  and  stores. 

The  following  is  a  translation  of  a  Hindostani 
document  issued  by  the  Gwalior  contingent,  and 
found  on  the  field  of  battle  outside  Cawnpore : 

'Cawnpore.  By  order  of  the  great  rajah — the 
leader.2  May  his  shadow  never  be  less.  Let  all  the 

1  Guns  capttired  from  the  Gwalior  contingent — 

By  General  Windham,  November  26      ..  8 

28      .         .  2 

Battle  of  December  6 17 

By  Sir  Hope  Grant 15 

Total        37 

2  Probably  the  Nana  Sahib. 


146         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

lords  of  the  manor  and  the  rajahs  of  this  country 
know  that  a  dromedary  rider,  for  the  purpose  of 
finding  out  all  about  the  roads,  and  defiles,  and  ferries, 
is  about  to  be  sent,  in  consequence  of  the  departure 
of  the  Gwalior  contingent  towards  Cawnpore ;  that 
no  person  is  to  molest  or  hurt  in  any  way  the  above- 
mentioned  dromedary  rider  ;  and  let  them,  in  fact, 
assist  him  to  the  best  of  their  power  ...  It  is 
written  on  the  3rd  of  the  month  of  Suffer,  and  it  cor- 
responds with  1274  of  the  year  of  the  Flight.' 


147 


CHAPTEE  XIV 

CAUSES    OF    THE    MUTINY   AND   POLICY   OP   LORD   CANNING 

THE  fall  of  Delhi  in  September,  the  relief  of  Lucknow 
in  November,  and  the  severe  conflicts  round  Cawnpore, 
had  shattered,  as  it  were,  the  main  force  of  the 
Mutiny ;  and  although  during  1858  active  military 
measures  were  carried  out  in  various  parts  of  the 
country,  still  in  reality  the  great  crisis  was  past. 
The  absence  on  the  part  of  the  natives  of  any  men  of 
military  genius  to  lead  them,  the  want  of  mutual 
confidence  amongst  their  widely  dispersed  forces, 
and  their  tendency  to  marauding  expeditions  rather 
than  to  combined  operations,-  all  led  to  their  final 
defeat  in  detail.  On  the  other  hand,  the  vigour  of 
our  movements,  and  the  large  reserves  of  men,  arms, 
and  munitions  brought  from  England,  at  length 
restored  our  shaken  power,  and  enabled  us  gradually, 
but  firmly,  to  re-establish  our  authority  throughout 
the  numerous  provinces  under  our  rule. 

Owing  to  the  wide  distribution  of  the  large 
force  of  artillery  which  had  arrived  from  home,  it 
was  considered  necessary,  for  administrative  pur- 

L   2 


148         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

poses,  that  General  Dupuis  and  his  staff  should 
return  to  the  seat  of  Government  at  Calcutta ;  and 
therefore,  after  the  battles  at  Cawnpore  in  November 
and  December,  I  took  no  further  active  part  in 
operations  in  the  field.  Eesidence  in  India,  however, 
was  full  of  interest  at  that  time,  when  the  causes  of 
the  revolution,  together  with  the  military  changes 
which  ensued,  were  matters  of  constant  discussion 
and  consideration.  The  idea  that  the  serving  out 
of  greased  cartridges  to  the  native  soldiery  was  a 
dominant  factor  in  the  crisis  is  of  course  a  mere 
exaggeration  of  a  minor  ultimate  detail.  It  may 
possibly  have  been  the  final  exciting  cause,  in  the 
same  way  that  a  lucifer  match  suddenly  lighted  in  a 
powder  magazine  may  lead  to  a  great  explosion ; 
but  the  causes  which  conduced  to  the  revolution  had 
been  accumulating  long  before  1857,  and  were  partly 
political,  partly  military ;  and  it  will  be  interesting 
to  quote  briefly  the  opinions  of  various  statesmen 
and  high  authorities  who  took  part  in  and  studied  the 
history  of  our  conquests,  and  who  traced  the  results 
caused  by  our  gradual  absorption  of  the  kingdoms, 
principalities,  and  provinces  into  which,  until  our 
advent,  the  vast  peninsula  of  India  was  divided. 

Sir  John  Malcolm,  in  his  'Political  History  of  India,' 
in  1826,  wrote:  'The  great  empire  which  England 
has  established  in  the  East  will  be  the  theme  of 
wonder  to  succeeding  ages.  That  a  small  island  in 


1857  UNPRETENDING   TRADERS  149 

the  Atlantic  should  have  conquered  and  held  the  vast 
continent  of  India  as  a  subject  province,  is  in  itself 
a  fact  which  can  never  be  stated  without  exciting 
astonishment.  But  that  astonishment  will  be  in- 
creased when  it  is  added  that  this  great  conquest 
was  made,  not  by  the  collective  force  of  the  nation, 
but  by  a  company  of  merchants,  who,  originally 
vested  with  a  charter  of  exclusive  commerce  and 
with  the  privilege  and  right  to  protect  their  property 
by  arms,  in  a  few  years  actually  found  themselves 
called  upon  to  act  in  the  character  of  sovereigns  over 
extended  dominions  before  they  had  ceased  to  be  the 
mercantile  directors  of  petty  factories.' 1  Sir  John 
goes  on  to  show  that  our  rapid  progress  was  due  in 
a  great  measure  to  two  leading  causes :  one,  that 
coming  originally  as  unpretending  traders,  we 
disarmed  suspicion,  and  were,  indeed,  welcomed  by 
the  natives  ;  the  other,  that  the  gradual  rise  of  our 
power  was  coincident  with  the  decline  of  the  Mogul 
empire. 

General  Sir  Thomas  Munro — an  officer  who 
entered  the  Madras  service  of  the  East  India  Company 
as  a  cadet  in  1780,  and  who  by  his  genius  and  states- 
manlike qualities  rose  to  be  Governor  of  that 
Presidency — writing  in  1817  to  the  Governor  General 
on  the  effects  of  our  policy,  said :  '  The  strength  of 

1  Political  History  of  India,  Major  General  Sir  John  Malcolm, 
K.C.B.     (John  Murray,  1826.) 


150         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

the  British  Government  enables  it  to  put  down 
every  rebellion,  to  repel  foreign  invasion,  and  to  give 
to  its  subjects  a  degree  of  protection  which  those  of 
no  native  power  enjoy.  Its  laws  and  institutions 
also  afford  them  a  security  from  domestic  oppression 
unknown  in  those  States ;  but  these  advantages  are 
dearly  bought.  They  are  purchased  by  the  sacrifice 
of  independence  of  national  character,  and  of  what- 
ever renders  a  people  respectable.  The  natives  of 
the  British  provinces  may  without  fear  pursue  their 
different  occupations  as  traders,  meerassidars,  or 
husbandmen,  and  enjoy  the  fruits  of  their  labours  in 
tranquillity  ;  but  none  of  them  can  aspire  to  anything 
beyond  this  mere  animal  state  of  thriving  in  peacer 
none  of  them  can  look  forward  to  any  share  in  the 
legislation,  or  civil  or  military  government  of  their 
country.' l  .  .  .  '  It  is  from  men  who  either  hold,  or 
are  eligible  to  hold,  public  office  that  natives  take  their 
character ;  where  no  such  men  exist,  there  can  be  no- 
energy  in  any  other  class  of  the  community.  The 
effect  of  this  state  of  things  is  observable  in  all  the 
British  provinces,  whose  inhabitants  are  certainly  the 
most  abject  race  in  India.  No  elevation  of  character 
can  be  expected  among  men  who,  in  the  military 
line,  cannot  attain  to  any  rank  above  that  of 
subadar,  where  they  are  as  much  below  an  ensign 
as  an  ensign  is  below  the  Commander-in-Chief,  and 

1  Gleig's  Life  of  Sir  Thomas  Munro,  Bart,  K.C.B. 


1857  OUR   PATERNAL  GOVERNMENT  151 

who  in  the  civil  line  can  hope  for  nothing  beyond 
some  petty  judicial  or  revenue  office,  in  which  they 
may,  by  corrupt  means,  make  up  for  their  slender 
salary.  The  consequence,  therefore,  of  the  conquest 
of  India  by  the  British  arms  would  be,  in  place  of 
raising,  to  debase  the  whole  people.  There  is, 
perhaps,  no  example  of  any  conquest  in  which  the 
natives  have  been  so  completely  excluded  from  all 
share  of  the  government  of  their  country  as  in  British 
India.' 

-Again  in  1818,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Hastings,  he 
says :  '  Our  Government  wiU  always  be  respected 
from  the  influence  of  our  military  power,  but  it  will 
never  be  popular  while  it  offers  no  employment  to  the 
natives  that  can  stimulate  the  ambition  of  the  better 
class  of  them.  Foreign  conquerors  have  treated  the 
natives  with  violence  and  often  with  great  cruelty,  but 
none  has  treated  them  with  so  much  scorn  as  we ; 
none  has  stigmatised  the  whole  people  as  unworthy 
of  trust,  as  incapable  of  honesty,  and  as  fit  to  be  em- 
ploj^ed  only  when  we  cannot  do  without  them.  It 
seems  to  be  not  only  ungenerous,  but  impolitic,  to 
debase  the  character  of  a  people  fallen  under  our 
dominion.'  Again  in  1824  :  '  With  what  grace  can 
we  talk  of  our  paternal  government  if  we  exclude 
them  from  every  important  office,  and  say,  as  we 
did  till  very  lately,  that  in  a  country  containing 
150,000,000  of  inhabitants  no  man  but  a  European 


152         RECOLLECTIONS  OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

shall  be  trusted  with  so  much  authority  as  to  order 
the  punishment  of  a  single  stroke  of  a  rattan  ?  Such 
an  interdiction  is  to  pass  a  sentence  of  degradation 
on  a  whole  people  for  which  no  benefit  can  ever 
compensate.  There  is  no  instance  in  the  world  of  so 
humiliating  a  sentence  having  ever  been  passed  upon 
any  nation.  .  .  .'  '  The  advocates  of  improvement 
do  not  seem  to  have  perceived  the  great  springs  on 
which  it  depends ;  they  propose  to  place  no  confi- 
dence in  the  natives,  to  give  them  no  authority,  and 
to  exclude  them  from  office  as  much  as  possible  ;  but 
they  are  ardent  in  their  zeal  for  enlightening  them 
by  the  general  diffusion  of  knowledge.  No  conceit 
more  wild  and  absurd  than  this  was  ever  engendered 
in  the  darkest  ages,  for  what  is  in  every  age  and 
every  country  the  great  stimulus  to  the  pursuit  of 
knowledge,  but  the  prospect  of  fame,  or  wealth,  or 
power  ?'...'  In  proportion  as  we  exclude  them, 
we  lose  our  hold  upon  them  ;  and  were  the  exclusion 
entire  we  should  have  their  hatred  in  place  of  their 
attachment,  their  feeling  would  be  communicated  to 
the  whole  population  and  to  the  native  troops,  and 
would  excite  a  spirit  of  discontent  too  powerful  for 
us  to  subdue  or  resist.  .  .  .'  'It  would'  (he  says) 
'  certainly  be  more  desirable  that  we  should  be  ex- 
pelled from  the  country  altogether  than  that  the 
result  of  our  system  of  government  should  be  made 
a  debasement  of  a  whole  people.'  The  above  are 


1857  NATIVE   POLICY   IN    INDIA  153 

wise  and  weighty  words,  and  it  would  be  well  per- 
haps, even  in  these  days,  if  more  heed  were  taken  of 
these  outspoken  opinions  of  Sir  Thomas  Munro. 

There  is,  however,  another  and  more  recent 
authority,  greater  perhaps  than  any ;  one  who,  year 
after  year,  and  not  long  before  the  Mutiny,  urged 
that  we  should  give  opportunities  to  the  natives,  and 
enable  them  to  rise  to  power,  civil  and  military  ;  and 
who  predicted  that  unless  this  were  done  our  system 
must  collapse,  either  in  a  mutiny  or  in  general  de- 
spair. That  authority  is  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  who 
fell  at  his  post  in  the  Eesidency  of  Lucknow,  killed 
by  the  mutineers  in  the  very  crisis  which  he  had,  as 
it  were,  foretold.  Writing  in  1855  l  he  pointed  out 
that  the  natives  had  no  outlet  for  their  talents  and 
ambition  as  of  old,  and  said :  '  These  outlets  for 
restlessness  and  ability  are  gone  ;  others  are  closing. 
It  behoves  us  therefore  now,  more  than  ever,  to  give 
legitimate  rewards,  and  as  far  as  practicable  employ- 
ment, to  the  energetic  few,  to  that  leaven  that  is  in 
every  lump — the  leaven  that  may  secure  our  empire, 
or  may  disturb,  nay  even  destroy,  it.'  Again,  he 
says :  '  Legitimate  outlets  for  military  energy  and 
ability  in  all  ranks  and  even  among  all  classes  must 
be  given.  The  minds  of  subadars  and  resseldars, 
sepoys  and  sowars,  can  no  more  with  safety  be  for 
ever  cramped,  trammelled,  and  restricted  as  at 

1  Essays,  by  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  1859. 


154         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

present  than  can  a  twenty-foot  embankment  restrain 
the  Atlantic.  It  is  simply  a  question  of  time.  The 
question  is  only  whether  justice  is  to  be  gracefully 
conceded  or  violently  seized.  Ten  or  twenty  years 
must  settle  the  point.' 

Leaving  for  the  moment  the  political  results  of 
our  conquests  in  India,  it  will  be  well  now  to  con- 
sider its  military  aspects ;  to  trace  the  formation  and 
services  of  our  native  armies,  and  to  watch  the  signs 
of  their  gradual  decline  both  in  efficiency  and 
loyalty ;  and  I  will  again  give  short  quotations  from 
the  writings  of  recognised  authorities  as  conveying 
clear  outlines  of  this  interesting  and  important 
subject. 

Sir  John  Malcolm,  writing  of  our  early  levies, 
said:  CA  jacket  of  English  broadcloth  made  up  in 
the  shape  of  his  own  dress,  the  knowledge  of  his 
manual  exercise  and  a  few  military  evolutions,  con- 
stituted the  original  Sepoy.'  He  goes  on  to  tell  us  that 
the  only  English  officers  were  a  captain  and  adjutant 
per  battalion ;  that  the  native  officers  were  treated 
with  great  kindness  and  consideration,  were  often  in 
high  command,  and  that  many  of  the  oldest  regi- 
ments were  known  by  the  names  of  their  former 
native  commandants.  After  dwelling  on  the  effi- 
ciency of  our  original  native  corps,  he  points  out  that 
their  constitution  was  gradually  changed  by  the 
increase  of  European  officers,  involving  alterations 


i857  OUR   FIRST   SEPOY   LEVIES  155 

of  dress,  more  rigid  rules,  and  with  so-called  improve- 
ments in  discipline,  until  at  length  in  1796  they  were 
organised  like  the  king's  regiments,  with  the  full 
complement  of  officers,  and  with  the  expectation  of 
greatly  increased  efficiency — an  expectation  which 
was  never  fulfilled.  He  wrote  in  1826 :  'In  the 
native  army,  as  it  is  at  present  constituted,  no  native 
can  rise  to  the  enjoyment  of  any  military  command/ 
Again,  he  says,  the  danger  lies  in  '  confiding  too  ex- 
clusively in  our  European  troops  and  altogether 
undervaluing  and  neglecting  our  native  army. 
From  the  day  of  that  fatal  error  we  may  date  the 
downfall  of  our  Eastern  empire.' 

Sir  John  Kaye,  in  his  history  of  the  Mutiny, 
says1 :  '  Our  first  Sepoy  levies  were  raised  in  the 
Southern  peninsula,  where  the  English  and  French 
powers  were  contending  for  the  dominant  influence 
in  that  part  of  the  country.  They  were  few  in 
number,  and  at  the  outset  commonly  held  in  reserve 
to  support  our  English  fighting  men.  But  little  by 
little  they  proved  that  they  were  worthy  to  be 
entrusted  with  higher  duties  ;  and  once  trusted  they 
went  boldly  to  the  front.  Under  native  comman- 
dants, for  the  most  part  Mohammedans  or  high -caste 
Eajpoot  Hindoos,  but  disciplined  and  directed  by  the 
English  captains,  their  pride  was  flattered  and  their 
energies  stimulated  by  the  victories  they  gained. 

1  Kaye's  Sepoy  War,  1865,  vol.  i. 


156         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

All  the  power  and  all  the  responsibility,  all  the 
honours  and  rewards,  were  not  then  monopolised  by 
the  English  captains.  Large  bodies  of  troops  were 
sometimes  despatched  on  hazardous  enterprises, 
under  the  independent  command  of  a  native  leader  ; 
and  it  was  not  thought  an  offence  to  a  European 
soldier  to  send  him  to  fight  under  a  black  comman- 
dant. That  black  commandant  was  then  a  great  man 
in  spite  of  his  colour.  He  rode  on  horseback  at  the 
head  of  his  men,  and  a  mounted  staff  officer,  a  native 
adjutant,  carried  his  commands  to  the  subadars  of 
the  respective  companies.  And  a  brave  man  or  a 
skilful  leader  was  honoured  for  his  bravery  or  his 
skill  as  much  under  the  folds  of  a  turban  as  under  a 
round  hat.'  Again  he  writes  :  '  The  founders  of  the 
native  army  had  conceived  the  idea  of  a  force 
recruited  from  among  the  people  of  the  country,  and 
commanded  for  the  most  part  by  men  of  their  own 
race  but  of  a  higher  social  position.  .  .  But  it  was 
the  inevitable  tendency  of  our  increasing  power  in 
India  to  oust  the  native  functionary  from  his  seat, 
or  to  lift  him  from  his  saddle,  that  the  white  man 
might  fix  himself  there,  with  all  the  remarkable 
tenacity  of  his  race.  ...  So  it  happened  in  due 
course  that  the  native  officers  who  had  exercised 
real  authority  in  their  battalions,  who  had  enjoyed 
opportunities  of  personal  distinction,  who  had  felt 
an  honourable  pride  in  their  position,  were  pushed 


1857  DETERIORATION    OF   SEPOYS  157 

aside  by  an  incursion  of  English  gentlemen  who  took 
all  the  substantive  power  into  their  hands.  As 
the  degradation  of  the  native  officer  was  thus  accom- 
plished, the  whole  character  of  the  Sepoy  army  was 
changed.  It  ceased  to  be  a  profession  in  which  men 
of  high  position  accustomed  to  command  might 
satisfy  the  aspirations  and  expend  the  energies  of 
their  lives.  .  .  .  Thenceforth,  therefore,  we  dug  out 
the  materials  for  our  army  from  the  lower  strata 
of  society.'  Captain  Macan,  an  officer  who  had  long 
experience  and  knew  the  Sepoys  well,  gave  evidence 
before  a  Parliamentary  Committee  in  1832,  and 
declared  that  '  in  all  the  higher  qualifications  of 
soldiers,  in  devotedness  to  the  service,  cheerfulness 
under  privation,  confidence  and  attachment  to  their 
officers,  and  unhesitating  bravery  in  the  field,  the 
native  soldier  is  allowed  by  all  the  best  informed 
officers  of  the  service,  and  by  those  who  have  most 
experience,  to  have  infinitely  deteriorated.' 

The  late  Eev.  Mr.  Gleig,  in  a  remarkable 
article  in  the  '  Edinburgh  Eeview '  in  1853,  wrote : 
'The  original  native  army  consisted  chiefly  of  in- 
fantry, who,  though  drilled  after  European  fashion, 
worked  both  in  peace  and  war  under  chiefs  con- 
nected with  the  men  by  ties  of  consanguinity  and 
friendship.'  He  goes  on  to  point  out  that  the 
English  element  gradually  increased  until  1784, 
when  a  European  subaltern  was  allotted  to  command 


158         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

each  Compaq,  and  he  says  :  4  Though  the  subalterns 
thus  disposed  of  were  carefully  selected,  and  the 
feelings  of  the  subadars  spared  as  much  as  possible, 
the  native  gentleman  could  no  longer  disguise  from 
himself  or  from  his  men  that  his  shadow  was  growing 
less.  He  supported  himself,  however,  tolerably  well 
till  the  tide  which  had  begun  to  set  in  against  him 
acquired  greater  force.  In  1790,  and  again  in  1796, 
the  European  element  became  still  stronger,  and 
then,  and  not  till  then,  the  spirit  of  the  native  sank 
within  him.  The  effect  produced  by  these  changes 
upon  the  native  officers,  and  ultimately  upon  the 
service  at  large,  has  been  deplorable.'  Mr.  Gleig's 
article — written,  be  it  borne  in  mind,  in  1853,  shortly 
before  the  Mutiny — concludes  as  follows  :  '  We  have 
won  an  enormous  empire  with  the  sword,  which  is 
growing  continually  larger.  We  have  established  a 
system  of  civil  administration  there  which  protects 
the  peasant  and  disgusts  all  the  classes  above  him  .  .  . 
With  a  large  bod}7-  of  discontented  gentry  everywhere, 
and  whole  clusters  of  native  princes  and  chiefs  inter- 
spersed through  our  dominions,  it  is  idle  to  say  that 
the  continuance  of  our  sovereignty  depends  from 
one  day  to  another  on  anything  except  the  army. 
Now  the  army  is  admitted  by  all  competent  judges 
to  be  very  far  in  many  respects  from  what  it  ought 
to  be.' 

The  extracts  which  I  have  quoted  of  the  opinions 


1857  GOOD    INTENTIONS  159 

of  various  authorities  all  appear  to  point  in  the 
same  direction,  and  to  prove  that  both  in  a  political 
and  a  military  sense  the  various  races  under  our  rule 
in  India  were  gradually  becoming  degraded  and 
demoralised,  and  that  these  results  were  observed 
years  before  the  crisis  came,  and  when  our  power 
was,  for  the  time,  subverted  by  the  general  Mutiny 
of  1857.  Our  intentions  throughout  were  doubtless 
good.  We  introduced  sound  laws  for  the  people, 
though  not  perhaps  always  in  accordance  with  their 
customs  and  prejudices.  We  also  gave  them  security 
of  life  and  property,  such  as  they  had  not  enjoyed 
for  centuries ;  and  to  some  extent  we  promoted 
education  and  commerce  and  more  general  prosperity. 
These  benefits  are  by  no  means  to  be  ignored.  But, 
on  the  other  hand,  in  our  advance  across  the  great 
continent  we  had  dethroned  kings,  upset  hereditary 
princes,  and  had  removed  from  positions  of  authority 
not  only  men  of  high  rank,  great  possessions,  and 
ancient  lineage,  but  also  men  of  vast  influence, 
religious  and  other,  and  often  of  great  ability  and 
courage.  These  all  found  themselves  pushed  aside 
and  superseded  ;  whilst  the  various  races  of  people, 
Hindoo  and  Mohammedan,  not  only  perceived  that 
their  ancient  leaders  were  gone,  but  that  their  new 
governors  were  aliens  in  race,  religion,  language,  and 
customs.  All  these  considerations  cannot  be  care- 
lessly disregarded.  The  situation  is  undoubtedly 


160        RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

difficult.  There  is,  indeed,  one  solution,  and  one 
only,  which  must  ever  be  kept  steadily  in  view — 
namely,  that  men  such  as  I  have  indicated  must 
gradually  be  admitted  to  positions  of  responsi- 
bility and  power,  both  civil  and  military ;  that  the 
people  of  all  ranks,  classes,  and  religions  may  feel 
that  a  career  is  open  to  them,  and  that  they  are 
to  be  allowed  to  participate  in  the  government  of 
their  own  country.  I  do  not  urge  that  the  time  has 
by  any  means  arrived  when  the  natives  should  be 
admitted  to  the  public  service  by  competitive  exami- 
nations. It  is  not  a  system  adapted  to  the  circum- 
stances. That,  however,  is  comparatively  a  minor 
detail ;  but  there  are  many  other  and  better  modes 
by  which  they  can  and  ought  to  be  selected  for 
service  under  the  Government. 

In  the  ultimate  reorganisation  of  the  native 
armies  after  the  Mutiny,  the  number  of  English  officers 
to  each  regiment  was  restricted  to  six,  so  that  in  some 
degree  the  influence  of  native  officers  was  recognised ; 
but  the  restriction  did  not  amount  to  much,  and  the 
apparently  inevitable  tendency  is  to  an  augmentation 
of  the  English  element,  the  present  number  being 
eight.  It  is  also  to  be  observed  that  there  is  no 

o 

instance  of  a  native  regiment  commanded  and  led 
entirely  by  officers  of  their  own  race  and  faith,  so  that 
no  opening  exists  for  the  many  brave  and  loyal  chiefs, 
men  of  ability  and  influence,  to  serve  in  the  army. 


i8s?  PRINCIPLES   OF   GOVERNMENT  i6l 

Whether  under  such  circumstances  we  can  hope  to 
maintain  the  military  virtues  of  our  Indian  troops  is 
a  grave  question  on  which  opinions  differ.  Judg- 
ing by  the  history  of  the  past,  by  the  views  of 
the  soldiers  and  statesmen  which  I  have  quoted, 
and  by  the  culminating  experience  of  the  Mutiny,  it 
seems  to  me  that  our  policy  is  rather  timid  and 
retrograde,  and  that  we  can  only  govern  successfully 
by  gradually  entrusting  power  to  the  natural  leaders 
of  the  people. 

There  is  yet  another  consideration,  which  relates 
specially  to  India  of  the  present  day.  Education  and 
enlightenment  are  progressing  all  over  the  country, 
not  only  by  means  of  schools  and  colleges,  but  also 
by  the  establishment  of  railways,  roads,  and  river 
communications,  so  that  the  people  now  move  about 
freely  and  exchange  ideas  to  a  degree  formerly 
unknown.  Literature  and  the  press,  the  telegraph 
and  the  post  office,  are  also  exercising  increasing 
influence ;  and  these  various  causes  are  somewhat 
rapidly  undermining  many  ancient  prejudices  and 
superstitions.  All  these  are,  doubtless,  beneficial 
influences  in  themselves,  and  are  likely  to  pro- 
duce great  results,  but  they  require  watching,  as 
they  inevitably  will  tend  to  increase  the  legitimate 
desire  of  the  people  for  more  self-government.  We 
cannot  stand  still. 

I  have  heard  it  said  sometimes  that  such  principles- 
it 


162         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1857 

as  I  advocate  would,  if  carried  out,  cause  to  us  the 
loss  of  the  Empire  of  India  ;  and  my  reply  is,  that  if 
such  principles  are  not  carried  out,  we  shall  not 
only  lose  India,  but  shall  deserve  to  do  so.  Others 
talk  of  the  people  of  India  as  being  composed  of 
inferior  races.  I  am  not  aware  that  God  has 
created  any  races  of  men  who  are  inferior ;  but  at 
all  events  in  India,  we  know  that  centuries  ago 
they  were  civilised  and  distinguished  in  arts  and 
sciences,  in  government,  and  in  war — long,  indeed, 
before  we  had  become  so.  We  hear  a  great  deal 
nowadays  of  the  depreciation  of  the  rupee ;  but  in 
our  government  of  India,  unless  we  act  on  the  prin- 
ciples which  I  have  endeavoured  to  illustrate,  by 
quotations  from  the  writings  of  statesmen  of  the 
highest  authority  and  experience  of  India,  we  may 
find  in  the  days  to  come  that  we  have  a  far  more 
dangerous  result  to  face,  and  that  is  the  depreciation 
in  the  character  of  the  millions  under  our  rule.  Sir 
Henry  Lawrence  wrote  :  '  We  cannot  expect  to  hold 
India  for  ever.  Let  us  so  conduct  ourselves  in  our 
civil  and  military  relations,  as,  when  the  connection 
ceases,  it  may  do  so  not  with  convulsions,  but  with 
mutual  esteem  and  affection  ;  and  that  England  may 
then  have  in  India  a  noble  ally,  enlightened,  and 
brought  into  the  scale  of  nations  under  her  guidance 
and  fostering  care.' 

Finally,  before  leaving  this  part  of  the  subject  I 


1857  THE   QUEEN'S   PROCLAMATION  163 

will  quote  extracts  from  the  noble  proclamation 
issued  by  the  Queen  in  1858,  on  the  termination  of 
the  Mutiny,  and  which  should  ever  be  considered  as 
the  Magna  Charta  of  the  people  of  India :  *  We 
declare  it  to  be  our  Eoyal  will  and  pleasure,  that 
none  be  in  any  wise  favoured,  none  molested  or  dis- 
quieted, by  reason  of  their  religious  faith  or  obser- 
vances, but  that  all  shall  enjoy  the  equal  and  impar- 
tial protection  of  the  law  .  .  .  And  it  is  further  our 
will  that,  so  far  as  may  be,  our  subjects  of  whatever 
race  or  creed  be  freely  and  impartially  admitted  to 
offices  in  our  service,  the  duties  of  which  they  may 
be  qualified  by  their  education,  ability,  and  integrity 
duly  to  discharge.'  It  is  often  said  that  India  has 
been  won  by  the  sword,  and  must  be  governed  by 
the  sword.  The  first  statement  is  in  a  great  measure 
true ;  but  to  the  second,  as  laying  down  a  principle 
of  government,  I  demur.  No  nation  can  be  per- 
manently or  successfully  governed  by  the  sword. 

As  the  crisis  of  the  Mutiny  gradually  passed  away, 
and  as  the  people  of  the  various  provinces,  though 
still  violently  agitated,  began  to  realise  that  the 
British  authority  was  being  firmly  re-established,  it 
became  evident  to  the  Viceroy  that  the  time  had 
arrived  when  the  summary  powers  which  had  been 
exercised,  and  the  severe  punishments  which  had 
been  inflicted,  all  over  the  country,  must  be  modified, 
and  that  a  policy  of  conciliation  should  gradually 

M  2 


164         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE        1858 

replace  that  of  stern  repression.  These  views  of 
Lord  Canning  were,  however,  by  no  means  in  accord 
with  the  general  sentiments  of  the  European  popula- 
tion, and  of  the  Press  of  Calcutta  at  the  time,  and  his 
policy  was  strongly  condemned.  This  feeling  on 
their  part  is  perhaps  not  altogether  surprising.  The 
terrible  scenes  which  had  been  enacted  in  so  many 
parts  of  the  country  on  the  outbreak  of  the  Mutiny 
— the  cruel  murders,  and  the  atrocious  conduct  of 
the  natives,  not  only  to  men,  but  to  innocent  and 
defenceless  English  women  and  children — all  these  sad 
events  had  naturally  roused  feelings  of  intense  anger  ; 
and  the  idea  of  conciliation  was  repugnant  to  the 
minds  of  the  great  majority.  So  much  was  this  the 
case,  that  even  at  the  end  of  1857  the  Europeans  of 
Calcutta  and  Bengal  sent  home  a  petition  to  the 
Queen,  urging  that,  owing  to  the  weakness  of  the 
Government  and  in  disapproval  of  the  views  of  the 
Viceroy,  he  should  be  recalled.  Lord  Canning,  how- 
ever, fully  convinced  that  a  policy  of  vengeance  was 
not  only  wrong  in  principle,  but  impossible,  was  by 
no  means  persuaded  or  moved  from  his  purpose. 
Writing  to  the  Queen  in  September  1858,1  he  said : 
'  There  is  a  rabid  and  indiscriminate  vindictiveness 
abroad,  even  among  those  who  ought  to  set  a  better 
example.'  Again,  to  Lord  Granville  he  wrote  :  '  As 

1  Rulers  of  India :  Earl  Canning,  by  Sir  H.   S.   Cunningham, 
KC.S.I. 


1858  'CLEMENCY   CANNING'  165 

long  as  I  have  breath  in  my  body,  I  will  pursue  no 
other  policy  than  that  I  have  been  following.  ...  I 
will  not  govern  in  anger.  .  .  .  Whilst  we  are  pre- 
pared, as  the  first  duty  of  all,  to  strike  down  resis- 
tance without  mercy  wherever  it  shows  itself,  we 
acknowledge  that,  resistance  over,  deliberate  justice 
and  calm  patient  reason  are  to  resume  their  sway ; 
that  we  are  not  going,  either  in  anger  or  from 
indolence,  to  punish  wholesale,  whether  by  wholesale 
hangings  and  burnings,  or  by  the  less  violent,  but 
not-  one  bit  less  offensive,  course  of  refusing  trust  and 
countenance  and  favour  to  a  man  because  he  is  of  a 
class  or  a  creed.' 

The  violent  opponents  of  the  Viceroy  at  the 
time  were  in  the  habit  of  calling  him  '  Clemency 
Canning '  as  a  term  of  reproach.  They  did  not 
seem  to  be  aware  that,  under  the  circumstances, 
it  was  the  highest  honour  they  could  pay  him. 
In  my  opinion,  Lord  Canning  proved  himself  to  be 
a  wise  and  courageous  Viceroy,  and  in  a  period  of 
great  difficulty  and  danger  rose  superior  to  the  vio- 
lence of  many  of  those  by  whom  he  was  surrounded. 

When  the  Mutiny  was  at  an  end  a  thanksgiving 
service  was  held  in  the  cathedral  at  Calcutta,  and  a 
special  collection  made  for  some  charitable  purpose 
to  commemorate  its  termination.  There  was  at  that 
time,  and  probably  is  now,  a  peculiar  system  of  col- 
lecting subscriptions  at  the  church  services  there. 


l66         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1858 

It  was  not  the  custom  to  carry  money  in  your 
pocket.  I  asked  the  reason,  and  was  told  that  the 
climate  was  too  hot.  The  consequence  was  that 
when  a  collection  was  made,  the  persons  who  carried 
round  the  plates  also  brought  packets  of  small  pieces 
of  paper  and  bundles  of  pencils,  and  each  person  had 
to  write  down  and  sign  the  amount  of  their  gift.  It 
was  a  tedious,  but  possibly  an  advantageous,  process 
from  a  charitable  point  of  view.  The  following  day 
the  collectors  went  round  and  called  for  the  amount 
subscribed.  On  the  occasion  in  question  Lord 
Canning's  secretary  informed  me  that  when  the  col- 
lector presented  his  paper  at  Government  House,  the 
sum  inscribed  was  so  large  that,  imagining  there  was 
an  error,  he  took  it  to  the  Viceroy,  who,  however, 
merely  remarked  that  the  occasion  was  a  memorable 
one,  and  the  amount  was  paid  accordingly.  It  was 
for  10,000  rupees  (1,000/.).  I  doubt  whether  many 
instances  can  be  given  of  such  a  sum  having  been 
put  into  the  plate  at  a  church  collection. 

During  my  residence  at  Calcutta  I  became 
acquainted  with  an  English  official  who  appeared  to 
possess  an  extraordinary  amount  of  intuitive  know- 
ledge. Whatever  the  subject  discussed,  he  was 
always  at  home,  and  could  lay  down  the  law,  and 
did  so.  It  is  not,  perhaps,  agreeable  to  find  yourself 
always  in  a  position  of  ignorance  and  inferiority. 
Still,  on  the  whole,  society,  it  may  be  presumed, 


1858    A   CELEBRATED   CHINESE   COMMISSIONER      167 

benefits.  I  inquired  of  an  old  Indian  officer  what 
position  this  exceptional  person  held.  '  Oh ! '  he 
replied,  '  that's  what  in  India  is  called  a  "  sub-janta  " 
— a  man  who  knows  everything  better  than  anyone 
else — be  careful  not  to  contradict  him.'  However,  I 
found  that  you  must  have  been  thirty  years  in  the 
country  and  speak  all  the  languages  before  becoming 
qualified  for  the  position,  so  that,  fortunately,  there 
are  very  few  sub-jantas  to  be  found. 

I  occasionally  received  invitations  from  natives  of 
rank  at  Calcutta  to  be  present  at  family  festivities, 
and  the  following  is  a  copy  of  one  of  them :  '  Wedding 
Party.  Cowar  Kallykissen  Bahadoor  presents  his 
respectful  compliments  to  Colonel  Adye  and  requests 
the  favour  of  his  company  to  a  dinner  at  7.30  P.M., 
and  a  nautch  and  fireworks  at  8.30  P.M.,  in  honour 
of  his  daughter's  marriage,  on  Monday,  February  22, 
at  Rajah  Badinath  Bahadoor's  garden  house  at  Cossi- 
pore.' 

On  one  occasion  I  paid  a  visit  to  the  cele- 
brated Chinese  Commissioner  Yeh,  who  was  a  state 
prisoner  at  Calcutta,  and  lived  in  a  large  house  in 
the  environs.  He  was  dressed  in  loose  white  Chinese 
clothes,  with  wooden  shoes,  and  was  very  polite  but 
extremely  cautious.  We  conversed  by  means  of  an 
interpreter.  Nothing  would  induce  Yeh  to  leave  his 
house,  although  a  carriage  and  horses  were  kept  for 
him.  My  efforts  to  interest  him  in  various  subjects 


1 68         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1858 

entirely  failed.  I  asked  if  he  liked  the  Indian  climate, 
and  he  replied  that  he  had  not  turned  his  thoughts 
in  that  direction.  I  described  the  bazaars  and  shops, 
and  recommended  him  to  go  out  in  his  carriage  and 
visit  them  ;  but  he  only  said  he  had  heard  about 
them,  and  would  send  his  secretary  to  make  a  report. 
He  told  me  he  was  much  occupied,  and  on  my  asking 
what  he  did,  he  replied  that  he  liked  to  '  sit  down/ 
He  was  offered  books  to  be  translated  to  him,  but 
remarked  that  the  contents  of  all  the  best  ones  were 
already  in  his  stomach,  so  that  he  did  not  require 
them.  He  died  soon  afterwards,  presumably  of 
indigestion. 

In  the  early  part  of  1859  another  serious  and  un- 
toward event  occurred,  in  the  discontent  of  the  men  of 
the  local  European  forces  at  many  of  the  large  stations 
all  over  the  country.  Hitherto,  in  each  presidency, 
the  artillery  and  three  regiments  of  infantry  consisted 
of  men  recruited  at  home,  but  who  served  continu- 
ously in  India — in  fact,  a  local  European  army  dis- 
tinct from  the  Queen's  troops.  In  the  years  gone  by, 
and  during  the  Mutiny,  they  had  performed  great 
services,  and  were  deservedly  held  in  high  esteem. 
When,  however,  in  1858  the  rule  of  the  old  East 
India  Company  came  to  an  end,  the  great  majority 
of  these  men  considered  that,  as  the  Queen  had 
assumed  direct  authority  over  the  local  armies,  they 
were  entitled  either  to  their  discharge,  or,  at  all 


1859  LOCAL   EUROPEAN   DISCONTENT  169 

events,  to  a  bounty  on  the  transfer  of  their  services 
to  the  Crown.  Their  claims  were  referred  to  England 
for  consideration,  but  were  ultimately  refused  by  the 
Home  Government ;  and,  as  a  consequence,  serious 
disaffection,  combined  in  some  cases  with  violence 
and  a  refusal  to  perform  their  duties,  ensued.  It 
may  perhaps  be  conceded  that  the  curt  refusal  of 
their  claim  was  not  altogether  judicious,  but  in 
reality  the  causes  of  discontent  lay  deeper  and  had 
been  accumulating  for  some  time.  The  Commander- 
in-Chief,  who  was  ill  at  Simla,  was  much  impressed 
with  this  unfortunate  state  of  affairs,  and  was  in 
frequent  communication  with  Lord  Canning  at  Cal- 
cutta. Writing  in  May  1859,  he  said  :l  l 1  am  irre- 
sistibly led  to  the  conclusion  that  henceforth  it  will 
be  dangerous  to  the  State  to  maintain  a  European 
local  army.  .  .  .  We  cannot  afford  to  attend  to  any 
other  consideration  than  those  of  discipline  and 
loyalty,  which  may  be  constantly  renovated  by  the 
periodical  return  to  England  of  all  the  regiments  in 
every  branch  of  the  service.'  The  Viceroy  was  much 
pressed  by  some  authorities  at  the  time  to  grant  the 
bounty,  notwithstanding  the  refusal  of  the  Home 
Government ;  but  to  have  done  so  and  to  have  given 
way  to  violence  would  have  been  a  virtual  abnegation 
of  authority,  and  would  not  in  reality  have  removed 
the  disaffection.  In  this  dilemma,  Lord  Canning  at 

1  Shadwell,  Life  of  Lord  Clyde,  ii.  419. 


170         RECOLLECTIONS  OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1859 

length  gave  a  free  discharge  and  passage  home  to  all 
who  wished  it,  and  about  10.000  men  then  left  for 
England.  The  cost  is  said  to  have  been  a  million 
sterling.  Many  of  these  men,  after  a  short  holiday 
at  home,  re-enlisted  in  various  Queen's  regiments  and 
returned  to  India.  The  general  result,  however,  was 
that  ere  long  the  local  European  troops  ceased  to 
exist  as  a  separate  force,  and  became  merged  in  the 
army  of  the  Empire. 


CHAPTEE  XV 

RECOLLECTIONS   OF   THE    MADRAS   PRESIDENCY 

IN  May  1859  I  left  Calcutta,  having  been  appointed 
to  command  the  Eoyal  Artillery  in  the  Madras 
Presidency.  Speaking  generally,  the  affairs,  both 
civil  and  military,  of  Southern  India  had  remained 
for  many  years  in  a  condition  of  comparative  inaction 
and  tranquillity.  Indeed,  ever  since  the  great  cam- 
paigns towards  the  close  of  the  last  century,  ending 
with  the  fall  of  Seringapatam  and  the  death  of  Tippoo 
Sahib,  the  tide  of  war  had  drifted  away  to  the  north- 
west, and  the  Madras  army  had  thus  been  deprived 
of  much  active  experience  in  the  field.  Fortunately, 
even  the  Mutiny  had  failed  to  entangle  the  southern 
native  troops  in  its  disastrous  meshes.  As  a  term, 
perhaps,  of  undeserved  reproach,  Madras  was  often 
called  the  benighted  presidency.  Shortly  before  my 
arrival  a  new  Governor,  Sir  Charles  Trevelyan  had 
been  appointed,  and  being  a  man  of  great  energy  and 
ability,  soon  succeeded  in  temporarily  galvanising 
the  administration  into  unwonted  life  and  activity. 
His  somewhat  abnormal  qualities  were  not,  however, 


1 72         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1859 

generally  appreciated.  One  of  his  first  efforts  was  to 
improve  the  sanitary  condition  of  the  large  native 
city,  which  stretches  for  a  mile  or  two  along  the  flat, 
sandy,  surf-beaten  shore.  During  the  latter  years  of 
the  last  century  the  city  had  been  enclosed  on  its 
land  front  with  a  series  of  old  bastions  and  curtains 
and  a  continuous  stagnant  ditch — works  which  were 
intended  as  a  defence  against  the  hordes  of  Mahrattas 
and  Pindarees  who  were  then  in  the  habit  of  swoop- 
ing down  on  our  cities  and  settlements.  But  these 
hostile  races  had  long  ceased  their  swoopings  and 
lootings,  and  the  decaying  fortifications  were  not 
only  obsolete,  but  by  their  existence  prevented  a  due 
circulation  of  light  and  air,  and  were  highly  insanitary. 
Sir  Charles  accordingly  decided  on  their  entire 
removal,  and  the  conversion  of  the  vacant  space  and 
of  the  ancient  glacis  into  a  People's  Park.  The  idea 
was  received  with  considerable  scorn.  Few  people  in 
Madras  had  ever  heard  of  people's  parks  in  those  days. 
I,  however,  had  the  satisfaction  of  being  present  at 
the  destruction  by  successive  explosions  of  the  old, 
useless  bastions,  and  in  my  opinion  the  Governor  con- 
ferred a  great  benefit  on  the  city  by  his  enlightened 
policy.  More  serious  events,  however,  soon  followed. 
When  the  Mutiny  came  to  an  end,  its  financial 
bearings  and  the  enormous  expenditure  incurred,  not 
only  on  account  of  the  large  reinforcements  from  home, 
but  also  in  the  arrangements  which  had  been  neces- 


1859         SIR   CHARLES   TREVELYAN    RECALLED  173 

sary  for  the  due  prosecution  of  active  operations  all 
over  the  country,  pressed  heavily  on  the  Government 
of  India ;  and  it  became  an  urgent  duty  to  meet  the 
financial  deficit,  which  amounted  to  several  millions 
sterling.  Amongst  other  measures  it  was  decided  to 
introduce  an  income  tax.  Sir  Charles  Trevelyan, 
backed  by  his  council,  protested  against  such  a  policy. 
In  his  opinion,  an  income  tax,  in  the  condition  of  the 
native  feeling,  was  likely  to  revive  dangerous  dis- 
content ;  further  than  this,  he  argued  in  successive 
despatches  to  Calcutta  that,  as  the  Mutiny  was  over, 
the  proper  way  of  meeting  the  deficit  was  by  a  re- 
duction not  only  of  the  English  reinforcements,  but 
also  by  disbanding  many  of  the  new  native  regiments 
which  had  been  hastily  and  temporarily  raised  during 
the  crisis.  Finding  that  his  remonstrances  were  in 
vain,  he  at  length  published  the  entire  correspon- 
dence in  one  of  the  Madras  daily  journals.  As  Gover- 
nor of  a  presidency  containing  fifty  millions  of  people, 
he  considered  it  his  duty  that  his  views  should  be 
made  public.  The  result  was  that  in  a  few  days  he 
received  a  message  by  telegraph  from  Sir  Charles 
Wood,  the  then  Secretary  of  State  for  India,  announ- 
cing his  recall.  Whether  the  Governor  acted  with 

o 

due  discretion  in  the  measure  he  took  to  ensure  pub- 
licity for  his  views,  may  be  questioned ;  but,  in  my 
opinion,  he  was  perfectly  right  in  his  main  principle 
that,  the  crisis  being  over,  the  financial  equilibrium 


174         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE        1859 

could  best  be  attained,  not  by  unusual  and  obnoxious 
taxation,  but  by  a  reduction  of  the  enormous  military 
expenditure,  the  necessity  for  which  had  passed  away, 
and  which  was  eating  up  the  resources  of  our  empire 
in  the  East.  His  recall  was  a  public  misfortune. 

Soon  after  my  arrival  in  Madras  I  made  the 
acquaintance  of  an  old  colonel,  who  had  served  many 
years  in  the  country  and  was  an  excellent  officer,  but 
who,  owing  to  absence  of  mind  or  partial  loss  of 
memory,  had  great  difficulty  in  correctly  remembering 
people's  names.  For  instance,  one  morning  he  came 
into  the  club,  and  told  us  that  he  had  just  met  Sir 
John  Trelawney  taking  a  walk  in  the  park.  As  there 
was  no  one  of  that  name  in  Madras  we  were  rather 
puzzled,  but  on  inquiry  found  he  alluded  to  the 
Governor,  Sir  Charles  Trevelyan.  That  was  harm- 
less enough,  but  on  another  occasion  he  fell  into  a 
more  serious  error.  It  occurred  in  the  Neilgherries. 
There  was  a  lady  residing  there,  a  Mrs.  Coffin,  the 
wife  of  a  general  officer.  It  is  the  fashion  up  in  the 
hills  for  ladies  to  be  carried  about  by  coolies  in  a  sort 
of  sedan  chair,  called  a  tonjon.  One  afternoon,  the 
general's  wife  was  paying  a  visit  to  a  neighbour,  where 
she  met  the  colonel,  and  on  her  rising  to  take  leave 
the  old  officer  jumped  up,  and,  meaning  to  be  ex- 
tremely polite,  said,  '  Mrs.  Tonjon,  allow  me  to  hand 
you  to  your  coffin ! ' 

Military   service   in   the  tropical  climate  of  the 


1860  AN    OLD    DUTCH   TOMB  175 

Madras  Presidency  in  time  of  peace,  and  with  the 
thermometer  never  below  80  degrees,  is  not  an  ex- 
hilarating experience.  There  were  no  railways  to  speak 
of  in  those  days,  and  no  bridges  over  the  rivers,  so  that 
during  tours  of  inspection  I  had  constantly  to  pass 
many  weary  days  and  nights  in  travelling  hundreds 
of  miles,  along  bad  roads,  over  dusty  plains,  in  what 
is  called  a  bullock  bandy,  at  the  rate  of  two  miles  an 
hour,  not  including  accidents,  and  probably  without 
meeting  a  single  Englishman.  On  one  occasion,  I 
went  from  Madras  northwards  by  steamer  along  the 
coast  to  Masulipatam,  on  my  way  to  the  Deccan,  and 
found  the  tomb  of  an  old  Dutch  admiral,  the 
inscription  on  it  being  as  follows  : l 

HIER  LEYT  BEGRA 

YEN  DEN.  E.  JACOB 

DEDEL 


IN   SYN   LEVEN   EAET   VAN 

IN   DIEN   ENDE   OPPEE 

HOOFT   TE   WATER   ENDE 

TE   LANDE    OVER   DE    NEDER 

LANTSE    NEGOTIE    DE    SER 

OUST    CORHANDEL.    OVER 

LEDEN.   DEN.   29.  AUGUSTY 

ANNO.    1624. 


1  Here  lies  buried  E.  Jacob  Dadel,  in  his  lifetime  Councillor  of 
the  Indies,  and  Commander- in-Chief  on  sea  and  land,  over  the  Dutch 
Company  of  the  Coromandel  Coast.  Died,  29th  August,  1624. 


176         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A    MILITARY   LIFE         1862 

During  1862  I  was  in  command  of  the  artillery  at 
Secunderabad,  a  large  station  near  Hyderabad  in  the 
Deccan,  the  latter  city  being  supposed  to  contain  a 
somewhat  turbulent  dangerous  population,  but  who 
in  reality  gave  no  trouble.  The  monotony  of  life  was 
occasionally  varied  by  hunting  wild  animals  in  the 
hills  and  jungles.  Although  a  very  bad  shot,  I  took 
part  in  the  sport  on  two  special  occasions.  The  one 
was  in  pursuit  of  a  bear,  and  the  other  of  a  tiger.  In 
the  first  case  we  rode  by  night  to  some  distant  hills, 
and  were  posted  in  the  dark  behind  rocks  by  the  shi- 
karree ;  and,  being  a  novice,  I  was  given  the  place  of 
honour,  the  native  kindly  remaining  at  my  side,  and 
explaining  that  the  cave  of  the  bears  was  just  above 
and  behind  me,  and  that  at  daylight  I  should  find 
several  coming  straight  up  the  hill  on  their  way  home. 
Sure  enough,  as  day  dawned,  two  large  black  objects 
appeared  leisurely  crossing  the  plain,  snuffing  about, 
as  they  slouched  along,  and  presently  they  began  the 
ascent.  The  critical  moment  had  arrived,  and,  on  a 
signal  from  the  shikarree,  I  fired,  and  the  bears  im- 
mediately bolted.  The  shikarree  threw  up  his  hands,, 
and,  much  disappointed,  said  that  my  shot  had  missed. 
It  was  not  so,  however,  for  on  going  to  the  spot  we 
discovered  traces  of  blood,  and  were  able  to  track 
the  wounded  animal  up  the  hill  to  his  home — a  dark,, 
narrow,  steep  cleft  in  the  rock.  Here  a  consultation 
was  held,  and  it  was  decided  by  the  experts  that  we 


i862  AN   EXCITING   EXPEDITION  177 

must  follow  up  the  track,  and  enter  the  den.     A  pro- 
cession was  formed  accordingly.     First  came  a  coolie 
with  a  long  lighted  torch,  which  he  waved  about  and 
pushed  into  the  crevices ;  then  I  followed,  crawling 
on   all  fours  with  a  gun  on  full-cock  ready  for  all 
emergencies.     Two   or   three   companions   came  on 
similarly  prepared.     All  at  once  we  heard  a  scream 
and  a  rush,  and  I  was  about  to  fire  at  anybody  or 
anything,  and  should  probably  have  killed  the  coolie, 
when   it   turned   out  to  be  merely  a  bat  fluttering 
against  the  lighted  torch.     The  smell  of  bears,  bats, 
rats,   and   other   creatures   was   horrible.     Still   we 
struggled    on,  until    the   narrow    tortuous   passage 
gradually  ramified  into  large  fissures,  and  we  then 
discovered  that  the  bear  had  passed  out  of  its  home 
by  another  opening,  and  so  escaped.     The  adventure 
ended,    and  we   were  glad   to  crawl  back  into  the 
open  air  again. 

The  other  expedition  was  also  exciting  in  its  way. 
In  hunting  tigers  in  Bengal  it  is  the  custom  to  be 
seated  in  a  howdah  on  the  back  of  an  elephant, 
so  as  to  stamp  through  the  jungle  and  shoot  the 
animals  from  a  commanding  position  in  comparative 
safety.  In  Madras,  however,  it  is  considered  fairer 
to  advance  on  foot,  on  the  principle,  I  presume,  of 
giving  both  sides  a  chance.  One  afternoon  we  were 
again  conducted  by  the  shikarree  to  a  distant  hill, 
and  on  an  elevated  plateau  were  all  posted  in  a  large 

N 


178        RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A    MILITARY    LIFE         1862 

semicircle,  each  hidden  behind  a  rock,  and  in  the 
centre  a  young  kid  was  tied  to  a  stone.  The 
expectation  was  that  the  tiger  would  come  to  eat 
the  kid,  and  then  we  were  all  to  fire  and  kill  the 
tiger.  As  this  was  my  first  experience,  I  inquired, 
with  some  interest,  whether  possibly  the  animal 
might  not  approach  from  behind,  and  begin  to  eat 
me  instead  of  the  kid.  The  suggestion,  however, 
was  scouted,  and  I  was  assured  that  it  would  much 
.prefer  the  latter.  So  we  took  up  our  positions,  and 
remained  on  watch.  After  a  time  the  young  goat, 
finding  the  entertainment  dull,  laid  down  and  tried  to 
go  to  sleep  ;  but  the  shikarree  advanced  and  with  a 
knife  cut  a  small  slit  in  its  ear,  which  made  it  bleat 
piteously ;  and  this,  it  was  hoped,  would  afford  an 
additional  attraction.  Again  we  waited,  and  I  could 
not  refrain  from  occasionally  looking  over  my 
shoulder,  to  assure  myself  that  the  expected  wild 
beast  was  not  surreptitiously  altering  the  programme. 
It  was  getting  dark  when  a  breathless  coolie  ar- 
riving from  a  distant  hill,  brought  the  news  that  the 

c  *  o 

tiger  was  asleep  in  a  cave  a  long  way  off;  so  the 
kid  escaped,  and  we  all  went  home.  I  thought  the 
sequel  rather  flat. 

Society  at  Secunderabad  was  occasionally  en- 
livened by  amateur  theatricals  in  the  assembly 
rooms,  and,  being  fond  of  painting,  I  was  induced  011 
one  occasion  to  produce  a  drop-scene  for  the  stage. 


1862  TAKEN   FOR  A  PROFESSIONAL  ,179 

One  afternoon  I  was  seated  accordingly,  in  some  old 
clothes,  on  the  top  of  a  step-ladder,  with  a  large  brush 
and  a  bucketful  of  sky-blue,  attempting  to  produce 
some  lovely  cloud  effects,  when  a  private  soldier  of 
the  18th  Royal  Irish  strolled  in  smoking  his  pipe. 
After  admiring  the  scenery  for  some  time,  and 
evidently  taking  me  for  a  professional,  he  remarked  : 

*  I  say,  guv'nor,  is  that  a  good  business  out  here  ? ' 
My  reply  was,  '  No,  it  isn't  a  very  permanent  affair, 
but  I  like  it.'     Then  he  went  on,  '  I  think  I've  seed 
you  afore'  (which  was  probable).     'Was  you  ever 
engaged  at  the  Surrey  in  London  ? '     I  said  that  I 
had  been  at  that  theatre,  but  had  never  been  engaged. 
'  Well,  then,  I  have  seed  you  afore/  he  continued ; 

*  you  was  acting  the  part  of  Belphegor.'     What  play 
he  was  alluding  to  I  had  no  idea,  or  who  Belphegor 
was,  but  unfortunately  at  that  moment   a  brother 
officer  casually  looked  in  and  said,  '  Well,  Colonel, 
how  are  you  getting  on  ?  '     The  soldier  at  once  took 
in  the  situation,  stood  up,  saluted,  and  saying,  '  I'm 
thinking  I'm  in  the  presence  of  my  superiors,'  faced 
about    and    left    the    room.      The    drop-scene   was 
finished,  and  was  considered  a  great  success. 


N  2 


180        RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE        1863 


CHAPTER  XVI 

RETURN  TO   BENGAL — AMALGAMATION   OF   THE   AETILLERY 
REGIMENTS 

TOWARDS  the  end  of  1862  I  left  the  Deccan  on  a 
pleasant  visit  to  Sir  William  Denison,  then  Governor 
of  Madras,  and  in  February  1863,  having  served 
upwards  of  five  years  in  India,  was  on  the  eve  of 
embarkation  for  England  when  a  telegram  came 
from  Sir  Hugh  Rose,  Commander-in-Chief,  inviting 
me  to  return  to  Bengal  to  become  Adjutant- General 
of  all  the  artillery  in  India.  My  plans  were  there- 
fore entirely  altered,  and  I  embarked  for  Calcutta 
instead  of  England,  and,  after  a  long  journey  up 
to  Meerut,  joined  Sir  Hugh,  and  went  with  him  to 
Simla  in  the  Himalayas. 

At  this  time  great  changes  had  become  neces- 
sary in  the  army  in  India  in  consequence  of  the 
Mutiny  of  1857,  and  of  the  subsequent  discontent 
of  the  local  European  forces  in  1859.  In  fact,  the 
whole  administration,  both  civil  and  military,  was 
undergoing  revision  and  reform.  The  direct  assump- 
tion of  the  government  of  India  by  the  Crown,  and 
the  disappearance  of  the  old  East  India  Company, 


1863  UNITY   OF  ADMINISTRATION 

though  a  beneficial  change  in  itself,  still  naturally 
caused  some  confusion  and  revived  old  controversies. 
Hitherto  there  had  been  two  armies  in  the  country, 
serving  side  by  side,  with  two  separate  staffs,  with 
somewhat  different  sentiments,  and  not  devoid  of 
feelings  of  jealousy.  The  artillery  were  specially 
affected  by  the  contemplated  changes.  Although  in 
the  early  days  of  the  East  India  Company  a  battery 
or  two  from  England  had  occasionally  served  in 
India,  still  they  were  exceptions,  and  for  many 
vears  each  presidency  had  maintained  a  regiment 
of  its  own,  partly  English,  partly  native ;  and  as 
we  gradually  conquered  one  province  after  another, 
they  took  part  in  many  campaigns,  performing 
distinguished  services,  and  were  deservedlv  held 

tt 

in  high  esteem.  Therefore,  when  it  became  evi- 
dent that  unity  of  administration  must  be  intro- 
duced as  regards  our  military  forces,  and  when,  in 
the  autumn  of  1862,  the  three  regiments  of  Indian 
artillery  were  incorporated  with  the  Eoyal — losing, 
as  it  were,  their  separate  individuality — it  was 
only  natural  that  the  officers  and  men  of  all  the 
four  corps  should  have  felt  some  regret  at  an 
arrangement  which,  however  necessary  it  might  be, 
was  not  in  accord  with  old  feelings  and  sentiments. 
All  organised  bodies  may  be  said  to  be  conservative, 
in  so  far  that  they  dislike  change. 

The    foregoing    remarks   may   be    sufficient    to 


1 82         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1863 

indicate  the  general  conditions  of  the  artillery 
problem  when  I  was  invited  to  become  the  chief  staff 
officer,  and  to  carry  out  the  amalgamation.  There 
were  not  only  sentimental  feelings  and  differences  to 
be  considered,  but  the  systems  of  training,  discipline, 
and  even  the  materiel,  were  all  to  some  extent  differ- 
ent. Still,  all  these  were  comparatively  minor  and 
transient  questions ;  and  I  fully  recognised  in  the 
first  place  that  whilst  the  batteries  of  old  Eoyal 
Artillery  would  benefit  by  the  wide  experience  of 
service  in  India — from  which,  previous  to  the  Mutiny, 
they  had  been  debarred — those  of  the  local  regi- 
ments would,  on  the  other  hand,  benefit  even  more 
largely  by  periodical  return  to  England,  especially  in 
these  days  of  constant  change  and  progress  in  the 
science  of  artillery.  It  was  with  these  views  that  I 
entered  on  the  somewhat  difficult  task  of  producing 
unity  of  system  and  of  feeling  in  the  hundred  and  four 
batteries  which  at  that  time  were  serving  in  India. 
Sir  Hugh  Eose,  the  Commander-in-Chief  in  India, 
and  H.E.H.  the  Duke  of  Cambridge,  the  head  of  the 
Army  at  home,  were  in  full  accord  in  these  matters  ; 
and  notwithstanding  certain  differences  of  opinion, 
I  also  received  loyal  support  from  the  officers  of 
artillery  all  over  the  country,  so  that  in  the  course 
of  1863  all  real  difficulties  gradually  disappeared. 
My  great  desire  was,  as  far  as  possible,  to  respect  the 
interests  of  all,  and  to  promote  unity,  not  only  as 


1863  RED    TAPE   IN    INDIA  183 

good  in  itself,  but  also  as  conducing  to  the  efficiency 
of  the  regiment  and  to  the  advantage  of  the  State. 
It  was  not  altogether  an  easy  task,  but  I  was  amply 
rewarded  by  the  generous  confidence  of  my  brother 
officers.  Eeminiscences  of  the  bygone  system  of  the 
East  India  Company  still,  however,  prevailed  more 
or  less  in  the  councils  of  the  Government  of  India, 
and  nothing  could  be  more  difficult  than  the  position 
of  Sir  Hugh  Eose  at  that  period  of  change ;  and  it 
was  a  pleasure  to  me  to  serve  under,  and  if  possible 
to  assist,  so  distinguished  a  soldier  and  one  with 
whom  I  had  been  in  frequent  association  during 
the  Crimean  war.  Lord  Elgin  was  at  that  time 
Viceroy,  and  I  had  one  or  two  conversations  with 
him  regarding  the  alleged  danger  from  the  turbulent 
population  of  Hyderabad,  and  gave  my  opinion  that 
these  fears  were  exaggerated,  and  that,  especially 
with  a  Prime  Minister  such  as  Salar  Jung,  there 
need  be  no  real  apprehension  of  an  outbreak. 

It  is  sometimes  supposed  that  red  tape  is  peculiar 
to  official  departments  at  home,  but  that  is  an  error. 
There  are  large  consignments  of  it  sent  to  India,  and 
I  will  give  an  instance.  One  day  at  Simla  an  old 
artillery  officer  called  and  requested  me  to  give  him 
a  certificate  of  his  being  alive,  as  the  audit  office 
refused  to  give  him  his  pay  without  it.  He  seemed 
to  be  well  and  lively,  and  I  therefore  complied  at 
once ;  and  as  his  visit  was  in  August,  dated  it 


RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1863 

accordingly.  On  looking  at  it,  he  remarked  :  '  Ah, 
you  have  dated  it  August.  That  is  of  no  use.  I  have 
already  sent  them  one  of  that  kind,  but  what  they 
require  is  a  certificate  that  I  was  alive  in  July.'  This 
opened  out  a  new  aspect  of  the  case,  but,  after  con- 
sideration, I  certified  that  to  the  best  of  my  belief  he 
was  living  the  previous  month.  Whether  he  ever 
received  his  pay,  I  am  not  sure. 


CHAPTEE  XVII 

FRONTIER      CAMPAIGN      IN     THE      AFGHAN     MOUNTAINS 

ITS   ORIGIN POLITICAL   AND    MILITARY   DIFFICULTIES 

IN  the  autumn  of  1863  our  somewhat  tedious  devotion 
to  military  administration  in  all  its  complicated 
details  was  suddenly  interrupted  by  the  outbreak  of 
hostilities  on  the  north-west  frontier,  which  rapidly 
and  unexpectedly  developed  into  a  war  of  consider- 
able magnitude  in  the  Afghan  mountains.  Its  origin 
was  of  a  rather  singular  and  exceptional  character. 
For  many  years  previously  a  number  of  violent 
fanatical  outlaws,  chiefly  from  the  lower  provinces 
of  Bengal,  hundreds  of  miles  away,  had  fled  from 
our  territories,  and  settled  amongst  the  independent 
Afghan  tribes  who  live  in  the  countries  across  the 
border.  These  outlaws,  occasionally  reinforced  by 
disaffected  Mohammedans  from  the  plains,  lived 
chiefly  in  a  village  called  '  Sitana  '  on  the  lower  slopes 
of  the  Mahabun  mountain,  about  forty  miles  north  of 
the  old  Mogul  fortress  of  Attock,  and  on  the  western 
side  of  the  Indus — hence  their  name  of  Sitana  fanatics. 
Their  ordinary  occupation  consisted  of  incursions  into 
the  plains  of  Eusofzye,  and  in  robbing  and  murdering 


1 86 


RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE 


1863 


peaceful  traders  in  our  territories.  In  1858  the 
late  Sir  Sydney  Cotton  led  an  expedition  against  them 
and  burnt  some  of  their  villages  ;  but  as  they  were 
harboured,  and  probably  to  some  extent  encouraged, 
by  their  Afghan  neighbours,  and  as  the  country  of 
their  adoption  was  devoid  of  roads  and  almost  in- 
accessible, they  soon  re-established  themselves  in  the 


SKETCH    MAP  OF 
NORTH-WEST  FRONTIER. 


SKETCH   MAP   OF   NORTH-WEST   FRONTIER 

large  new  village  of  Mulka,  high  up  on  the  slopes  of 
the  mountain,  and  recommenced  their  depredations. 
It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  a  fresh  expe- 
dition was  determined  on  ;  and  as,  from  causes  which 
were  not  foreseen  at  the  outset,  it  rapidly  developed 
into  a  considerable  campaign,  it  will  be  interesting  to 
take  a  short  survey  of  the  conditions,  military  and' 
political,  of  our  north-west  border. 


1863  THE   NORTH-WEST   FRONTIER  187 

A  glance  at  the  map  will  show  that  our  frontier 
in  that  part  of  India  is  composed  of  great  rugged 
mountain  ridges  which,  radiating  southerly  from  the 
Hindoo  Koosh,  terminate  somewhat  abruptly  in  the 
plains,  and  form,  as  it  were,  a  great  natural  boundary 
of  the  Empire.  These  mountains  are  inhabited  by 
tribes  who,  though  Afghan  in  language,  religion, 
and  race,  are  for  the  most  part  independent  of  the 
ruler  at  Cabul.  They  are  poor  but  brave,  fanatical, 
and  half  civilised,  and  are  governed  by  native 
'jirgahs'  or  councils;  and,  although  turbulent  and 
difficult  to  deal  with,  still  have  a  great  love  of  their 
country  and  cherish  its  independence,  possessing 
qualities  that  we  admire  in  ourselves,  and  which 
deserve  consideration  and  respect.  Except  in  the 
narrow  and  secluded  valleys  there  is  little  culti- 
vation, and  the  whole  country  is  almost  devoid  of 
roads,  beyond  mere  goat  paths.  Military  operations 
are  therefore  difficult.  The  Commander-in-Chief, 
when  the  expedition  was  under  consideration,  pointed 
out  that  the  season  was  late,  as  snow  falls  in  No- 
vember, and  that  to  march  a  force  through  such  a 
country  of  scant  resources  would  necessitate  careful 
preparations  and  ample  transport,  and  he  advised 
postponement  until  the  following  spring  ;  but  his 
views  were  disregarded  by  the  Punjab  Government, 
who  entered  into  the  campaign  in  a  somewhat  heed- 
less, lighthearted  fashion,  which  speedily  brought  its 


l88         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY    LIFE         1863 

own  punishment.  It  is  further  to  be  remembered 
that  in  those  days  our  line  of  frontier  for  hundreds 
of  miles  was  guarded  chiefly  by  the  Punjab  Irregular 
Force,  consisting  of  about  10,000  men  of  all  arms 
recruited  from  the  martial  races  within  our  border, 
many  of  whom  were  really  Afghans  in  religion  and 
race.  Strange  to  relate,  also,  this  army  was  under 
the  orders  of  the  Punjab  Government,  and  altogether 
independent  of  the  Commander-in-Chief.  To  guard  a 
long  and  exposed  frontier  by  native  levies  raised  on 
the  spot,  and  to  the  almost  total  exclusion  of  English 
soldiers,  was  a  bold  and  possibly  a  dangerous  policy ; 
but  to  increase  the  risk  by  a  complex  division  of 
military  authority  appears  to  be  a  violation  of  all 
commonly  received  maxims  of  war. 

The  force  decided  on  for  the  Sitana  expedition 
consisted  of  about  6,000  men,  chiefly  of  the  Punjab 
force  just  mentioned,  to  which,  however,  was  added 
the  71st  Highlanders,  the  101st  Bengal  Fusiliers,  and 
a  battery  of  Eoyal  Artillery,  with  its  field  guns  car- 
ried on  elephants.  The  Government  were  fortunate 
in  one  respect,  that  the  expedition  was  placed  under 
the  command  of  Sir  Neville  Chamberlain,  an  officer 
of  long  experience  and  of  the  highest  ability  and 
courage.  Indeed,  it  was  a  happy  circumstance  that 
in  the  serious  complications  and  hard  fighting  which 
ensued  a  man  of  such  great  qualities  should  have 
been  at  the  head  of  affairs ;  and  although  he  was 


1863  THE   SITANA   FANATICS  189 

struck  down  and  severely  wounded  before  the  opera- 
tions came  to  an  end,  still  it  may  be  admitted,  with- 
out disparagement  of  his  successor,  that  the  neck  of 
the  confederacy  had  been  broken  by  his  vigorous 
measures,  and  that  the  tribes  were  sick  at  heart  and 
weary  of  the  combat. 

In  entering  on  a  campaign  against  the  Sitana 
fanatics,  who  doubtless  were  tolerated  and  harboured 
by  the  inhabitants,  it  must  still  be  borne  in  mind 
that  in  crossing  the  border  we  were  entering  upon 
foreign  territory  ;  and  a  question  therefore  arose  as 
to  the  light  in  which  our  suspicious  Afghan  neigh- 
bours would  regard  our  advance.  There  was  also 
another  important  point  which  must  not  be  over- 
looked. In  determining  the  exact  direction  of  our 
march,  it  was  considered,  as  a  matter  of  strategy, 
that  instead  of  moving  straight  up  the  mountain, 
towards  the  enemy's  stronghold,  we  should  enter  the 
country  by  the  Umbeylah  Pass,  a  narrow  gorge  to 
the  west  of  the  Mahabun,  and  proceed  through  the 
Chumla  Valley  on  its  north  side  (see  map) ;  and 
thus  by  a  flank  march,  as  it  were,  attack  the 
fanatics  in  rear  and  cut  off  their  line  of  retreat. 
Our  intentions  in  this  respect  were  kept  secret.  In 
a  military  point  of  view  the  proposal  had  advantages, 
but  politically  it  had  quite  another  aspect — it  being 
evident  that  we  were  thus  entering  the  territory  of 
neighbours,  many  miles  distant  from  the  real  object 


190         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1863 

of  the  expedition,  who  might,  and  indeed  did, 
at  once  take  violent  exception  to  our  proceedings. 
Official  documents  published  afterwards  explain  this 
clearly.  Speaking  of  the  intended  march  through  the 
pass,  Colonel  Taylor,  the  commissioner  with  the 
expedition,  wrote  : '  *  It  was,  under  the  circumstances, 
impossible  to  examine  the  proposed  route  by  ques- 
tioning those  of  our  own  territories  best  acquainted 
with  it,  without  raising  suspicions  as  to  the  line  we 
proposed  to  take  in  entering  the  hills.'  Again, 
General  Chamberlain's  first  despatch  after  the  ad- 
vance of  the  force,  on  October  20,  said  :  '  I  should 
here  mention  that  on  the  afternoon  of  the  19th,1  when 
it  would  be  too  late  for  the  Chumla  or  other  tribes  to 
make  any  preparations  on  a  large  scale  for  impeding 
the  march  of  the  troops  through  the  Umbeylah  Pass, 
a  proclamation  was  forwarded  by  the  commissioner, 
to  the  Chumla  and  Bonair  tribes,  stating  the  object 
with  which  the  force  was  about  to  enter  the  Chumla 
Valley,  and  assuring  them  that  it  was  with  no  inten- 
tion of  injuring  them,  or  of  interfering  with  their 
independence ;  but  solely  because  it  was  the  most 
convenient  route  by  which  to  reach  the  Hindostanee 
fanatics,  and  to  effect  their  expulsion  from  the 
Mahabun.' 

But  the  question  was,  in  what  light  were  the 
Bonairs  and  others  likely  to  regard  our  sudden  and 

1  October  19,  1863. 


1863  A  CRAFTY   LETTER  191 

unexpected  arrival  at  the  door  of  their  house,  our 
purpose  having  been  carefully  hid  until  the  time  for 
their  objecting  or  defending  themselves  had  passed 
away  ?  The  late  Major  James,  who  was  the  commis- 
sioner when  peace  was  made,  alluding  to  these  cir- 
cumstances, makes  a  significant  remark :  '  Even 
supposing,  therefore,'  he  says,  '  that  the  proclamations 
actually  reached  their  destination,  was  it  likely  that 
a  brave  race  of  ignorant  men  would  pause  to  con- 
sider the  purport  of  a  paper  they  could  not  read, 
whim  the  arms  of  a  supposed  invader  were  glistening 
at  their  doors  ? '  It  so  happened,  also,  that  the 
fanatics,  when  they  heard  of  the  assembly  of  our 
troops  in  the  plains  and  became  aware  that  we  were 
about  to  call  them  to  account,  although  not  cogni- 
sant of  our  exact  plan,  nevertheless  wrote  a  very 
crafty  letter  to  their  neighbours,  which  subsequently 
fell  into  our  hands,  as  follows  :  '  The  evil-doing 
infidels1  will  plunder  and  devastate  the  whole  of 
the  hilly  tract,  especially  the  provinces  of  Chumla, 
Bonair,  Swat,  &c.,  and  annex  those  countries  to  their 
dominions,  and  then  our  religion  and  worldly  pos- 
sessions would  entirely  be  subverted.  Consequently, 
keeping  in  consideration  a  regard  for  Islam,  the 
dictates  of  faith,  and  worldly  affairs,  you  ought  by  no 
means  to  neglect  the  opportunity.  The  infidels  are 
extremely  deceitful  and  treacherous,  and  will  by 

1  Meaning  the  English. 


IQ2         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1863 

whatever  means  they  can  come  into  these  hills,  and 
declare  to  the  people  of  the  country  that  they  have 
no  concerns  with  them,  that  their  quarrel  is  with  the 
Hindostanees,  that  they  will  not  molest  the  people, 
even  as  much  as  touch  a  hair  of  their  heads,  but  will 
return  immediately  after  having  extirpated  the  Hindo- 
stanees, and  that  they  will  not  interfere  with  their 
country.  They  will  also  tempt  the  people  with 
wealth.  It  is  therefore  proper  for  you  not  to  give  in 
to  their  deceit,  or  else,  when  they  should  get  an 
opportunity,  they  will  entirely  ruin,  torment,  and 
put  you  to  many  indignities,  appropriate  to  them- 
selves your  entire  wealth  and  possessions,  and  injure 
your  faith.' 

From  the  foregoing  remarks  it  will,  I  think,  be 
evident  that  our  policy  was  not  only  somewhat  rash, 
but  was  not  altogether  straightforward.  In  the  first 
place,  we  undertook  the  expedition  with  an  inade- 
quate force,  chiefly  comprised  of  native  troops,  raised 
on  the  spot,  at  a  late  season  of  the  year,  and 
without  sufficient  preparations  as  to  supplies  and 
transport ;  in  the  next,  we  attempted  to  march 
through  a  country  inhabited  by  tribes  with  whom 
we  had  no  cause  of  quarrel,  and  from  whom  we  care- 
fully concealed  our  intentions.  The  result  of  the 
first  day's  march  (October  20)  brought  matters  to  a 
climax,  and  instead  of  being  able  to  cut  off  the 
4  Sitana '  fanatics,  we  found  ourselves  face  to  face 


1863  ILLNESS   OF   LORD    ELGIN  193 

with  the  Bonair  and  other  tribes,  whose  territory  we 
had  invaded,  and  who,  scoffing  at  our  professed 
strategy,  at  once  united  and  determined  if  possible 
to  drive  us  out  of  their  country.  The  whole  condi- 
tion of  affairs  was  thus  entirely  altered,  and  General 
Chamberlain  found  himself  holding  the  end  of  a 
narrow  gorge,  with  steep  mountains  running  up 
several  thousand  feet  on  either  side,  and  attacked 
incessantly  day  and  night,  not  only  in  front,  but  on 
either  flank. 

'In  the  meantime  another  unfortunate  circum- 
stance had  occurred.  It  so  happened  that  towards 
the  end  of  October  both  the  Viceroy  and  Sir  Hugh 
Eose  had  left  Simla,  on  short  expeditions  towards  the 
distant  ranges  of  the  Himalayas.  Accidentally  I  had 
seen  Lord  Elgin  when  he  started,  and  he  appeared 
to  be  in  good  health;  soon  afterwards,  however, 
owing,  it  was  supposed,  to  his  having  ascended  and 
crossed  some  high  passes,  or  whatever  the  cause,  he 
suddenly  became  dangerously  ill  with  an  affection 
of  the  heart,  and  when  he  arrived  at  Drumsala  in  the 
Kangra  Valley,  his  case  was  deemed  hopeless.  Sir 
Hugh  also,  for  the  moment,  was  almost  out  of  reach, 
but  on  hearing  of  the  untoward  development  of  the 
military  operations,  he  at  once  proceeded  to  Lahore, 
where  his  staff  joined  him  in  November.  The  suc- 
cessive despatches  of  General  Chamberlain  give  a 
clear  account  of  the  altered  condition  of  affairs. 

o 


IQ4         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1863 

Writing  on  October  23,  he  said :  '  The  Bonair  people 
having  thus  taken  a  hostile  part  against  us  is  ex- 
tremely serious,  and  has  altered  our  whole  position 
and  probably  our  plan  of  operations.'  He  then  goes 
on  to  explain  the  necessity  of  guarding  his  communi- 
cations through  the  pass,  and  asks  for  reinforcements. 
Again,  on  October  25,  he  writes  :  '  There  appears  to 
be  reason  to  believe  that  the  Bonair  people  have 
applied  to  the  Akoond  of  Swat  for  aid,  and  should 
they  succeed  in  enlisting  him  in  their  cause — which  is 
not  improbable,  as  they  are  his  spiritual  followers — 
the  object  with  which  this  force  took  the  road  to  the 
Chumla  Valley  would  be  still  more  difficult  of  attain- 
ment.' 


195 


CHAPTEE  XVIII 

HARD   FIGHTING    IN   THE    MOUNTAINS 

GENERAL  CHAMBERLAIN  now  took  steps  to  clear  him- 
self of  encumbrances,  and  to  prepare  for  hard  fight- 
ing. The  sick,  the  baggage,  and  spare  transport 
animals  were  sent  back  to  the  plains,  and  the  road 
was  improved.  A  breastwork  was  thrown  across  the 
front  of  the  camp  and  flanked  with  guns  ;  the  steep 
slopes  on  either  side  were  occupied  by  strong  pickets, 
stockaded  and  entrenched.  Still  the  position  was 
weak.  Far  above  on  the  extreme  left  our  troops 
held  a  post  called  the  'Eagle's  Nest ; '  and  opposite,  on 
the  right,  another  named  the  c  Crag  Picket,'  a  com- 
manding pinnacle  of  rocks  scantily  clothed  with 
pines  and  towering  up  into  the  sky.  Both  were 
vital  points  to  hold,  for  they  entirely  overlooked  the 
lower  defences.  But  high  as  they  both  were,  there 
were  other  ridges  and  dominant  points  still  far  above, 
and  our  troops  were  thus  exposed  to  sudden  over- 
whelming attacks,  from  enemies  who  could  collect 
unseen  at  their  leisure  and  choose  their  time  for  an 
assault. 

o  2 


196         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1863 

The  men  of  the  tribes  were  brave  and  worthy  foes. 
These  bold  mountaineers,  ignorant  of  what  is  termed 
discipline,  or  of  any  regular  art  of  war,  armed  only  with 
old  matchlocks  and  short  swords,  nevertheless,  by  a 
kind  of  rude  instinct,  discovered  at  once  our  weak 
points ;  and  by  feints  at  the  centre,  combined  with 
furious  assaults  on  the  isolated  flanks,  not  only  inflicted 
heavy  loss  upon  us,  but  succeeded  occasionally  in 
endangering  the  whole  position.  The  Crag  Picket 
alone  fell  three  times  into  their  hands  by  direct  assault 
in  open  daylight,  at  different  periods  of  the  campaign, 
although  in  each  case  we  drove  them  out  again. 
The  despatches  received  day  after  day,  though 
hastily  written,  gave  a  vivid  reality  to  the  scenes 
depicted,  and  extracts  from  them  will  perhaps  con- 
vey the  best  idea  of  the  fierce  nature  of  the  contest 
and  of  its  vicissitudes.  On  October  24  large  bodies 
of  men,  with  numerous  standards,  appeared  in  the 
Chumla  Valley,  and  were  ascertained  to  be  arrivals 
from  some  of  the  minor  hill  tribes,  and  a  portion  of 
the  fanatics  under  Mobarik  Shah.  At  daylight  the 
next  morning  they  appeared  above  our  right  defences 
on  the  Mahabun,  but  were  driven  off  by  Major  Keyes,1 
who  chased  them  along  the  ridges  and  forced  them 
back  precipitately  into  the  valley. 

The  events  of  the  following  day  (October  26) 
were  serious.  Chamberlain,  having  some  reason  to 

1   Now  General  Sir  Charles  Keyes,  G.C.B. 


1863  HARD   FIGHTING  197 

apprehend  an  attack  on  the  Eagle's  Nest,  reinforced 
the  troops  on  the  mountain,  sending  up  200  of  the 
71st  Highlanders,  the  5th  and  6th  Punjab  regiments, 
and  a  mountain  battery.     The  Eagle's  Nest  itself  was 
held   by  230   men   under   Major    Brownlow.1     The 
enemy,  who  had  established  a  breastwork  of  their 
own  on  the  heights  above  and  were  in  great  strength, 
no  sooner  observed  our  preparations  for  battle  than 
they  joyfully  accepted  the  challenge.     The  scene  is 
well  described  by  Colonel  Vaughan,  who  was  in  com- 
mand :  '  The  troops  were  hardly  in  position  when  a 
very  large  body  of  the  enemy  rushed  down  the  steep 
slopes,  and,  with  loud  cries,  attacked  at  once  the  picket 
and  the  troops.     The  mountain  train  guns  fired  upon 
them  with  shrapnel,  common  case,  and  round  shot, 
and   this  fire   checked  those   advancing  against  the 
troops  in  position,  but  not  those  advancing  against 
the  picket.     The  latter  were  attacked  with  the  greatest 
determination,   and   two   of  the   enemy's   standards 
were  planted  close  under  the  parapet.     All  the  efforts 
of  the  picket  failed  to  dislodge  them  for  some  time, 
notwithstanding  that  the  direct  fire  from  the  picket 
was  aided  by  a  flanking  fire  from  the  mountain  train 
guns    and  from  the  Enfield  rifles  of  the    71st.  .  .  . 
When  the  enemy  had  been  checked  by  the  guns,  they 
were  charged  by  the  6th  Punjab  Infantry,  but  the  regi- 
ment was  unfortunately  carried  too  far  in  the  ardour 
1  Now  General  Sir  Charles  Brownlow,  G.C.B. 


198         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1863 

of  pursuit,  and  lost  heavily  before  it  could  regain  the 
position.'  Major  Brownlow,  who  was  standing  at  bay 
in  the  Eagle's  Nest,  gives  a  simple  and  vivid  account  of 
the  attack  upon  him.  '  About  12  o'clock  (noon)  the 
Bonairwals  commenced  to  move  down  from  their  posi- 
tion, matchlock  men  posting  themselves  advantage- 
ously in  the  wood,  and  opening  a  very  galling  fire 
upon  us,  whilst  their  swordsmen  and  others  advanced 
boldly  to  the  attack,  charging  across  the  plateau  in 
our  front,  and  planting  their  standard  behind  a  rock, 
within  a  few  feet  of  our  wall.  The  steady  fire,  how- 
ever, with  which  they  were  received  rendered  their 
very  gallant  efforts  unavailing,  and  they  were  driven 
back  and  up  the  hill,  leaving  the  ground  covered  with 
their  dead.' 

Our  casualties  on  this  occasion  were  as  follows  : 

Killed  Wounded       Total 

English  officers                            2  24 

Native  officers                             1  9          10 

Men          ....       28  129        157 

31  140        171 

The  great  losses  incurred  by  the  native  corps  in 
this  as  in  every  action  during  the  campaign,  are 
proofs  of  the  loyalty  of  the  men  to  our  cause.  General 
Chamberlain,  in  his  despatches,  bears  warm  testimony 
to  their  devotion ;  and  points  out  that  although  there 
were  men  in  the  native  regiments  of  almost  every 
tribe  on  the  frontier,  including  those  which  were 
fighting  against  us,  still  there  were  no  desertions,  nor 


1863  THE   KEY   OF  THE   POSITION  199 

was  there  any  instance  of  backwardness  in  engaging 
the  enemy. 

After  the  2  5th  there  was  a  lull  for  a  few  days,  but 
the  storm  soon  gathered  again,  and  important  events 
followed  each  other  in  rapid  succession.  General 
Chamberlain,  in  his  despatch  of  October  31,  reports 
'  that  the  Akoond  has  joined  and  has  brought  with 
him  upwards  of  100  standards  from  Swat,  each 
standard  representing  probably  from  twenty  to 
thirty  footmen.'  Other  distant  tribes  had  also  been 
summoned,  and  in  fact  there  was  a  general  combi- 
nation all  along  the  border  against  us.  He  goes 
on  to  say :  '  It  is  necessary  that  I  should  place  the 
state  of  affairs  thus  distinctly  before  His  Excellency, 
in  order  that  he  may  understand  how  entirely  the 
situation  has  altered  since  the  force  entered  the 
TJmbeylah  Pass.'  And  he  goes  on  to  explain  that 
with  his  present  numbers  he  could  only  stand  on  the 
defensive.  During  the  early  part  of  November 
vigorous  efforts  were  made  to  strengthen  our  out- 
posts and  to  improve  the  communication  to  the 
plains  of  Eusofzye;  but  the  confederate  tribes  jealously 
watched  our  movements  and  incessantly  attacked  us 
day  and  night ;  and  on  the  morning  of  the  13th  suc- 
ceeded a  second  time  in  capturing  the  Crag  Picket. 
General  Chamberlain  in  his  despatch  said :  '  I  was  in 
the  camp  when  the  picket  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  and  my  attention  having  been  accidentally 


200        RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1863 

drawn  to  the  unusual  dust  and  confusion  caused  by 
the  rush  of  camp  followers  down  the  hill,  I  felt  con- 
vinced that  some  reverse  had  occurred,  and  immedi- 
ately sent  forward  Her  Majesty's  Eoyal  Bengal  Fusi- 
liers.' Lieutenant-Colonel  Salisbury l  was  in  com- 
mand of  the  regiment,  and  his  orders  were  to  push 
on  and  retake  the  position  at  any  cost.  The  ascent 
was  long  and  steep,  but  the  Fusiliers  never  halted, 
and  in  five-and-twenty  minutes  the  key  of  the  posi- 
tion was  recovered. 

An  important  change  was  now  made  in  the  dis- 
position of  the  force.  As  already  explained,  the 
prolonged  halt  in  the  pass  was  due  to  unforeseen 
causes,  and  the  general  had  to  make  the  best  of  it, 
its  great  weakness  consisting  in  the  isolation  of  its 
flanks.  As  some  delay  must  occur  before  sufficient 
reserves  could  arrive,  so  as  to  enable  Chamberlain  to 
resume  the  offensive,  he  determined  to  abandon  the 
gorge  and  also  the  pickets  on  the  mountain  to  his 
left,  and  to  concentrate  his  whole  force  on  the  slopes 
of  the  Mahabun.  In  a  military  point  of  view  this 
was  a  judicious  arrangement.  Instead  of  holding  a 
series  of  straggling  posts,  perched  upon  rocks,  on 
two  separate  mountains,  and  with  his  main  body  far 
down  in  a  hollow  gorge,  our  troops  would  thus  be 
concentrated  and  able  to  reinforce  any  point  re- 
quired. The  movement  was  quietly  carried  out 
1  Now  General  Salisbury,  C.B. 


1863  REINFORCEMENTS   REQUIRED  2OI 

during  the  night  of  November  17.  The  vigilance  of 
the  tribes  for  once  failed  them,  and  when  daylight 
broke  on  the  18th,  to  their  astonishment  the  Eagle's 
Nest  and  all  the  pickets  on  that  side  were  silent 
and  empty.  Exasperated  by  the  success  of  our 
manoeuvre,  and  imagining  probably  that  it  was  the 
precursor  of  a  general  retreat,  the  enemy  swarmed 
up  the  Mahabun  ridges,  and  before  our  troops  were 
well  settled  in  their  new  positions,  attacked  them 
fiercely,  and  for  the  moment  with  some  success,  but 
were  finally  driven  off.  General  Chamberlain,  writing 
at  the  time,  said :  '  The  troops  have  now  been  hard- 
worked  both  day  and  night  for  a  month,  and  having 
to  meet  fresh  enemies  with  loss  is  telling.  We  much 
need  reinforcements.  I  find  it  difficult  to  meet  the 
enemy's  attacks,  and  provide  convoys  for  supplies 
and  wounded  sent  to  the  rear.  .  .  .  This  is  urgent.' 

The  confederate  tribes,  consisting  of  the  fanatics, 
the  men  of  the  Mahabun,  of  Bonair,  Swat,  Bajour, 
and  of  other  distant  secluded  valleys,  joined  also  by 
a  sprinkling  of  men  from  our  own  border  villages, 
were  now  in  such  numbers  that  the  hill  sides  literally 
swarmed  with  them ;  and  although  they  had  failed 
in  their  efforts  to  capture  the  position  they  had  not 
lost  heart,  but  again  made  a  vigorous  effort ;  and  on 
November  20  advanced  on  the  Crag  Picket,  coming 
boldly  up,  with  their  standards  flying,  to  within  a 
few  feet  of  our  breastworks ;  and  at  length,  after  a 


202         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1863 

desperate  hand-to-hand  encounter,  for  the  third  time 
took  possession,  amidst  shouts  of  triumph  from  the 
Afghans  on  the  hills  all  round.     Victory,  however, 
did  not  long  remain  with  them.      The  71st  High- 
landers, who  had  taken  a  full  share  in  every  action 
of  the  campaign,  were  selected,  with  a  regiment  of 
Goorkas,  to  retrieve  the  fortunes  of  the  day,    and 
they  were  not  wanting  in  this  hour  of  need.      Whilst 
the  troops  were  being  assembled  for  the  assault  of 
the  captured  work,  the  field  and  mountain  guns  were 
turned  on  the  enemy,  who  were  thus  forced  to  lie 
close  under  cover  of  the  rocks.     Under  a  perfect 
storm  of  matchlock  balls  and  of  stones  hurled  from 
the  summit,  Colonel  Hope,  the  gallant  leader  of  the 
Highlanders,  deliberately  formed  his  men  at  the  foot 
of  the  Crag ;  and  sending  the  Goorkas  to  turn  the 
flank,  he  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  his  corps, 
and,  with  a  cool   determination  which  excited   the 
admiration  of  every  soldier  of  the  force,  proceeded 
to  march  up  the  rocky  height.     The  mountaineers 
throughout  the  war  had  shown  themselves  ready  to 
do  and  to  dare  a  great  deal,  but  they  were  not  quite 
prepared    for    the    direct    assault   of    a    Highland 
regiment  which  in  open  day,  with  its  colonel  at  its 
head,  was  steadily  approaching,  and  would  infallibly 
in  a  few  seconds  close  upon  them,  with  a  volley  and 
a  bayonet  charge.     The  storm  of  shells  which  had 
been  raining  on  them  for  the  preceding  half  hour, 


1863  COUNTING  THE   COST  20$ 

shattering  the  rocks  and  trees,  had  somewhat  shaken 
their  confidence  ;  and  almost  as  soon  as  the  High- 
landers reached  the  summit  the  mountaineers  evacu- 
ated the  position,  and  were  chased  along  the  ridges. 
Sir  Neville  Chamberlain,  ever  foremost  in  danger, 
having  felt  it  his  duty  to  accompany  the  troops  in 
so  critical  an  attack,  was  unfortunately  severely 
wounded,  and  Colonel  Hope  was  also  dangerously 
wounded  in  the  thigh.  Our  lost  ground  was  thus 
recovered,  but  at  the  cost  of  two  distinguished  men, 
the  first  and  second  in  command,  who  were  rendered 
unable  to  take  any  further  part  in  the  war.  Our 
losses  up  to  this  time  had  been  considerable ;  no  less 
than  14  English1  and  4  native  officers,  with  213  men, 
had  been  killed,  whilst  15  English,  17  native  officers, 
and  468  men  were  wounded,  making  a  total  of  731 
casualties,  and  so  far  as  the  original  object  of  the 
war  was  concerned,  we  had  as  yet  really  accom- 
plished nothing. 

1  The  following  officers  were  killed :  Lieutenant  Gillies,  K.A., 
Captains  C.  Smith  and  Aldridge,  and  Ensign  C.  Murray,  71st  Highland 
Light  Infantry ;  Lieutenants  Dougal  and  Jones,  79th  Highlanders 
(doing  duty  with  71st) ;  Lieutenant  H.  Chapman,  Ensign  A.  Sanderson, 
and  Surgeon  Pile,  101st  Bengal  Fusiliers ;  Lieutenant  J.  Davidson, 
1st  Punjab  Infantry ;  Lieutenant  Clifford,  3rd  Punjab  Infantry ; 
Lieutenant  W.  Moseley,  14th  Ferozepore  Kegiment ;  Lieutenant 
Eichmond,  20th  Native  Infantry,  and  Major  G.  Harding,  Bombay 
Staff  Corps. 


2O4         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1863 


CHAPTEE  XIX 

POLITICAL   COMPLICATIONS — END   OF  THE   WAR 

THE  preceding  remarks  will  be  sufficient  to  give  a 
general  idea  of  the  difficulties,  both  military  and 
political,  which  had  ensued  on  our  crossing  the 
border.  The  situation  was  undoubtedly  grave. 
Major  James,  the  commissioner,  wrote,  that  it  was  a 
truly  formidable  and  dangerous  combination,  and 
that  immediate  action  was  necessary  to  save  the 
Government  from  a  war  involving  us  not  only  with 
all  the  tribes  on  the  border,  but  also  in  all  proba- 
bility with  Afghanistan.  The  Lieutenant-Governor 
of  the  Punjab,  Sir  Eobert  Montgomery,  had  doubt- 
less long  and  anxiously  considered  the  untoward 
aspect  of  affairs ;  and  at  length,  when  the  telegrams 
arrived  announcing  the  severe  actions  just  described, 
he  looked  upon  the  matter  as  so  serious,  that  he  was 
actually  prepared  to  order  an  immediate  withdrawal 
of  the  whole  force  to  the  plains  ;  and  in  this  view  he 
was  supported  by  some  members  of  the  Viceroy's 
Council ;  in  fact  an  order  to  that  effect  was  sent  to 
the  Commander-in-Chief.  What  Sir  Hugh  Eose 


1863  DEATH   OF   LORD   ELGIN  205 

thought  of  the  proposition  is  plain  enough.  In  the 
first  place  he  remonstrated  against  the  withdrawal, 
pointing  out  the  danger  of  such  a  policy  and  the 
loss  of  prestige  which  would  result.  In  the  next  he 
ordered  large  reinforcements  to  proceed  by  forced 
marches  to  the  frontier,  so  that  the  great  northern 
road  from  Lahore  to  Peshawur  was  crowded  with 
cavalry,  artillery,  and  infantry,  all  hurrying  upwards. 
At  the  beginning  of  December  there  were  five-and- 
twenty  thousand  men  north  of  the  Jhelum. 

""Soon  after  my  arrival  at  Lahore  in  November,  I 
had  written  to  my  old  friend  Sir  William  Denison  at 
Madras,  giving  him  a  short  description  of  the  state 
of  affairs.1  On  November  20  Lord  Elgin  died,  and 
Sir  William,  as  the  senior  governor  present  in  India, 
was  summoned  by  telegraph  to  Calcutta,  and  assumed 
temporarily  the  functions  of  Viceroy.  His  reply 
to  my  letter  is  dated  Calcutta,  December  7,  and  is 
interesting  as  giving  his  views  on  the  situation. 

It  is  as  follows  : — 

'  My  dear  Adye, — Thanks  for  your  letter.  I  got 
the  whole  of  the  papers  relating  to  the  business  in 
the  North-west  on  my  way  up  the  river,  and  spent 
my  time  in  reading  them  and  making  notes.  It  is 
hardly  worth  while  to  say  anything  about  the  com- 
mencement of  the  affair  beyond  this,  that  if  any 

1  My  letter  was  published  in  extenso  in  Varieties  of  Viceregal 
Life,  by  Sir  W.  Denison.  1870. 


206         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1863 

move  was  to  have  been  made  at  all,  the  plan  pro- 
posed by  Sir  H.  Rose  was  clearly  that  which  should 
have  been  adopted.-  With  reference,  however,  to 
the  future,  I  trust  I  have  been  in  time  to  check 
further  evil.  .  .  I  found  an  order  had  been  sent  to 
the  Commander-in-Chief,  telling  him  that  their  wish 
was  that  the  force  should  be  withdrawn,  thrusting 
upon  the  Commander-in-Chief  the  responsibility  of 
deciding  not  only  the  mode  of  doing  this,  and  the 
time,  but  also  that  of  determining  whether  such  a 
move  would  peril  our  reputation.  The  first  step  I 
took  was  to  press  for  a  modification  of  the  order.  I 
pointed  out  that  it  was  unfair  to  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  ;  and  that,  as  we  had  a  sufficient  force,  it  would 
be  decidedly  impolitic  to  withdraw,  until  we  had 
accomplished  the  design  for  which  we  had  made  our 
inroad  into  the  country.  Alter  a  good  deal  of  talk, 
I  carried  with  me  the  majority  of  the  council,  and  it 
was  decided  to  bring  the  Bonairs  to  terms  before 
withdrawing  the  troops.  To  leave  without  doing  this 
would  almost  insure  another  campaign  in  the  spring, 
and  this  would  be  expensive  and  useless.  I  trust 
that  our  orders  may  arrive  in  time  to  prevent  any 
hasty  move  to  the  rear.' 1 

Many  days,  however,  before  I  received  Sir  William's 

1  Sir  Hugh  Rose,  in  writing  to  me  from  Lahore  on  the  same  date 
as  Sir  William  Denison  (Dec.  7),  said  that  the  Governor  General  had 
entirely  approved  of  his  not  consenting,  although  hard  pressed,  to  give 
up  the  Umbeylah  Pass  and  retreat  to  the  plains. 


1863  A  JOURNEY   NORTHWARDS  207 

letter,  circumstances  had  occurred  at  Lahore  which 
led  to  my  making  a  long  and  rapid  journey  of  several 
hundred  miles  northwards,  and  joining  the  force  in 
the  mountains  during  the  remainder  of  the  war. 

On  November  19  Sir  Hugh  spoke  to  me  of  his 
difficulties  and  of  the  suggested  retreat,  which  seemed 
both  impolitic  and  unnecessary.  The  letters  and 
telegrams  received  from,  the  front  were,  however, 
necessarily  somewhat  short  and  hasty,  and  did  not 
give  full  details  of  the  position;  and  I  offered  my 
services  as  a  staff  officer,  to  pay  a  rapid  visit  to 
Chamberlain,  hear  his  views,  take  a  personal  survey 
of  the  country,  and  then  return.  The  Commander- 
in-Chief  accepted  my  offer,  and  also  selected  Major 
Eoberts,1  who  knew  the  people  and  the  language,  to 
accompany  me.  He  was  a  delightful  companion. 
On  the  evening  of  the  20th  we  left  Lahore  on  the 
mail  cart,  placing  the  driver  behind,  and  ourselves 
driving  each  stage  alternately.  We  galloped  up  the 
trunk  road  all  night,  and  all  the  next  day,  crossing 
the  Eavee,  the  Chenab,  and  the  Jhelum,  and  were 
nearly  done  up  from  want  of  sleep,  when  we  fortunately 
drove  into  the  camp  of  a  battery  of  Horse  Artillery  and 
obtained  a  few  hours'  rest.  Before  daylight  we  were 
off  again,  passed  through,  Eawul-Pindee,  and  in  the 
afternoon  crossed  the  Indus  by  a  bridge  of  boats 
close  under  the  old  Mogul  fortress  of  Attock  ;  and  at 

1  Now  General  Lord  Eoberts,  G.C.B. 


208         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1863 

sunset  on  the  second  day  our  long  drive  of  nearly 
300  miles  came  to  an  end  at  Nowshera,  on  the 
Cabul  river,  where  the  officers  of  a  battery  under 
Captain  Nairne,  E.A.,1  hospitably  received  us.  Until 
our  arrival  at  Nowshera,  we  had  not  heard  of  the 
latest  fight  at  the  Crag  Picket,  and  that  Chamberlain 
and  Hope  were  severely  wounded.  In  the  meantime 
horses  had  been  laid  out  for  our  use  across  the 
plains  of  Eusofzye ;  and,  crossing  the  Cabul  river,  we 
galloped  about  thirty  miles,  passing  numerous  de- 
tachments of  Seiks  and  Pathans,  with  elephants  and 
camels,  and  on  the  evening  of  November  23  reached 
the  camp  of  Major  Probyn,2  in  command  of  a  native 
cavalry  regiment  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains.  The 
weather  was  fine  but  cold,  and  altogether  the  long 
journey  was  very  enjoyable. 

Sir  Neville  Chamberlain's  force  was  about  ten 
miles  distant  on  the  heights  of  the  Mahabun,  whose 
ridges  run  up  to  8,000  feet.  Our  instructions  were 
urgent,  and  we  were  very  anxious  to  be  off.  Probyn, 
however,  whose  troops  were  patrolling  the  frontier, 
pointed  out  that  the  communications  were  uncertain, 
and  that  the  road,  such  as  it  was,  was  only  opened 
occasionally  by  armed  convoys  taking  up  food  and 
munitions  to  the  front.  However,  as  delay  was 
unadvisable,  after  considering  the  matter,  he  said  : 

1  Now  General  Nairne,  C.B.,  Comrnander-in-Chief,  Bombay. 
8  Now  General  Sir  Dighton  Probyn,  V.C. 


1 863  'CATCH-EM-ALIVE-OHS'  209 

'  You  can,  if  you  like,  go  up  with  the  "  catch- em- 
:ilive-ohs."  :  I  inquired  who  these  interesting  people 
were,  and  his  reply  was  that  they  were  Afghans- — in 
fact,  the  same  people  we  were  fighting  against ;  but 
he  added  that  these  were  friendly  and  in  our  pay, 
and  would  take  care  of  us.  He  had  them  paraded 
for  our  inspection.  These  *  catch-em-alive-ohs '  were 
a  rough,  handsome,  picturesque  lot  of  fellows,  armed 
with  old  matchlocks,  shields,  and  short  knives,  and 
seemed  very  good-natured  and  friendly ;  so,  in  default 
of  "better,  we  determined  on  accepting  their  escort, 
and  away  we  went,  accompanied  by  the  Eeverend  Mr. 
Cowie,  afterwards  Bishop  of  New  Zealand.  The 
mountain  was  steep  and  rugged,  and  the  route  a 
mere  goat  path,  so  that  our  progress  was  slow.  After 
climbing  for  some  miles,  we  suddenly  observed  a 
large  number  of  people  on  a  high,  distant  ridge,  but 
whether  friends  or  enemies  was  not  so  certain.  The 
body  of  a  native  just  killed  was  lying  in  the  path. 
At  that  moment  a  messenger  ran  up  bringing  me 
a  small  note  in  pencil,  and  reading  it  hastily  I  made 
it  out  to  be  '  the  road  is  now  safe,  push  on  as  fast  as 
you  can.'  This  was  satisfactory,  but  on  looking 
more  carefully  we  found  the  message  really  was, 
'  the  road  is  not  safe,  push  on,'  &c.  This  rather 
altered  the  conditions ;  but  fortunately  the  men  we 
had  observed  on  the  heights  were  a  party  of  Goorkas, 
and  the  note  was  from  the  officer  in  command,  who 

p 


210        RECOLLECTIONS    OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1863 

was  looking  out  for  us,  so  that  our  journey  soon 
came  to  an  end,  and  we  arrived  safely  in  camp. 

The  next  morning  I  paid  a  visit  to  Chamberlain. 
We  had  been  cadets  together  many  years  before 
at  Woolwich,  but  he  left  the  Academy  before  obtain- 
ing a  commission,  joining  the  Bengal  army,  and  we 
had  never  met  since  those  early  days.  His  wound, 
however,  was  severe  and  his  condition  serious,  so  that 
I  was  unable  to  discuss  the  position  of  affairs  with  him, 
as  had  been  intended,  and  in  a  few  days  he  was  carried 
down  to  the  plains.  I  found  a  strong  and  unanimous 
feeling  amongst  the  officers  against  any  withdrawal. 
Although  the  tribes  were  in  great  force  in  the  valley, 
with  their  standards  flying,  it  was  evident  that  we 
only  required  reinforcements  ;  and  that  a  movement 
in  advance  would  soon  scatter  the  brave  but  badly 
armed,  undisciplined  hosts  of  our  mountain  foes.  I 
lost  no  time  in  sending  day  by  day,  detailed  reports, 
sketches,  and  plans  of  the  position  to  Sir  Hugh 
Eose,  urging  also  the  necessity  for  an  early  forward 
movement,  and  in  reply  received  an  order  by  tele- 
graph, to  remain  with  the  force  until  the  termination 
of  the  war. 

The  scenery  all  round  us  from  our  elevated  camp 
was  very  varied,  and  had  many  elements  of  grandeur. 
Lookino-  back  to  the  south  through  the  dark  defiles 

o  o 

of  the  pass,  we  could  see  the  fertile  plain  of  Eusofzye 
stretching  away  to  the  Indus  and  Cabul  rivers,  whilst 


1863  A   PROLONGED    PICNIC  211 

in  front  the  sheltered  Chumla  valley  and  the  village 
of  Umbeylah  were  lying  beneath  us ;  and  away  in 
the  distance  to  the  north,  high  ranges  of  mountains, 
capped  by  the  snowy  peaks  of  the  Hindoo  Koosh, 
closed  in  the  horizon.  Owing  to  the  success  which 
had  been  achieved  on  several  occasions  by  the  tribes 
in  capturing  our  outlying  breastworks — due,  perhaps, 
in  some  cases,  to  want  of  vigilance  on  our  part — strict 
instructions  had  been  given  that  our  pickets  were  to 
hold  their  ground  at  all  hazards  ;  and  on  one  occasion 
a  Soldier  coming  on  duty  was  heard  to  say  to  his 
comrade,  '  Well,  Jim,  what's  the  orders  at  this  post  ? ' 
and  Jim  replied,  '  Why,  the  orders  is,  you're  never  to 
leave  it  till  you're  killed,  and  if  you  see  any  other 
man  leaving  it,  you're  to  kill  him.' 

Our  life  was  a  very  open-air  kind  of  existence,  a 
sort  of  prolonged  picnic,  and  we  lived  partly  in  small 
tents  and  partly  in  caves,  always  sleeping  in  our 
clothes  ;  our  dinners  such  as  they  were,  being  cooked 
and  laid  out  on  the  rocks.  The  Afghans  perched 
themselves  about,  and  now  and  then  made  long  shots 
at  us  with  their  matchlocks.  One  old  fellow  took 
up  his  position  every  day  on  an  elevated  spot,  on  the 
other  side  of  the  pass,  at  a  distance,  and  watched  the 
proceedings.  Our  men  frequently  fired  at  him,  but 
apparently  without  effect ;  so  at  last  they  gave  it  up, 
and  nicknamed  him '  Oh !  Willie,  we_have  missed  }'ou.' 
There  was  another  peculiarity  amongst  the  tribes 

p  2 


212         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1863 

which  is,  perhaps,  unusual  in  warfare.  Some  of  our 
native  troops,  when  on  isolated  pickets  at  night,  used 
to  pass  away  the  dreary  hours  by  singing  some  of 
their  national  airs ;  and  the  enemy,  apparently  not 
wishing  to  be  left  out,  would  cheerily  join  in  the 
chorus. 

At  the  end  of  November  General  Garvock  * 
arrived,  taking  command  of  the  expedition ;  and 
during  the  next  few  days  considerable  reinforcements 
marched  up  from  the  plains,  including  amongst  others 
the  7th  Fusiliers,  the  93rd  Highlanders,  and  Probyn's 
Horse,  400  strong.  Our  total  force  was  over  8,000 
men,  with  16  light  guns,  some  carried  on  elephants 
and  the  rest  on  mules.  The  men  of  the  tribes,  no 
doubt,  were  quite  aware  of  these  accessions  to  our 
strength ;  and  although  Guzzhan  Khan,  from  the 
distant  province  of  Dher,  had  joined  them  with  6,000 
followers,  they  hesitated  to  attack  our  position,  which 
was  now  strongly  entrenched  and  vigilantly  guarded. 
Early  in  December  a  small  deputation  of  Bonair  chiefs 
came  into  camp  to  confer  with  Major  James,  the 
commissioner,  with  a  view  to  peace  ;  and  after  a  parley 
withdrew  to  consult  the  other  tribes  as  to  the  terms 
we  offered ;  which  were  the  destruction  of  Mulka, 
and  that  the  fanatics  should  no  longer  be  harboured 
and  protected  by  the  Afghans.  We  could  hardly 
demand  less.  It  was  understood  that  there  were 

1  The  late  Sir  John  Garvock. 


1863  THE   TIME   FOR  ACTION  213 

considerable  dissensions  amongst  the  native  chiefs, 
and  on  the  afternoon  of  December  14  a  solitary 
messenger  returned,  stating  that  our  proposals  were 
rejected.  It  was  also  known  that  an  attack  by  the 
combined  tribes  was  imminent  on  the  morrow. 

The  moment  of  action  had  at  length  arrived. 
General  Garvock,  forestalling  the  intentions  of  the 
enemy,  assembled  a  force  of  5,000  men,  including  the 
7fch  and  101st  Fusiliers,  at  daylight  near  the  Crag 
picket,  leaving  the  remainder  to  guard  the  camp,  and 
at  &  A.M.  led  off  his  troops  along  the  ridges  to  the 
attack.  About  two  miles  beyond  the  Crag  stood  the 
small  village  of  Laloo,  and  a  few  hundred  yards  in 
front  of  it,  one  of  the  great  spurs  running  up  from 
the  Chumla  valley,  terminated  in  a  lofty  peak  domi- 
nating the  whole  ridge.  On  this  natural  stronghold 
the  men  of  the  tribes  had  established  themselves  in 
great  force,  flying  their  standards,  and  prepared  to 
abide  the  last  issues  of  war.  The  ordinary  difficul- 
ties of  the  ascent  had  been  increased  by  numerous 
'  sungas  '  (breastworks),  so  that  it  was  a  formidable 
position  to  take  by  assault.  Our  skirmishers,  who 
had  easily  driven  in  the  outlying  mountaineers,  then 
halted  about  600  yards  in  front  of  and  looking  up  at 
the  conical  peak,  and,  supported  by  the  mountain 
guns,  waited  for  the  arrival  of  the  main  body. 

These  mountain  batteries  rendered  great  service 
during  the  war.  Their  light  ordnance,  carriages^  and 


214         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1863 

ammunition  being  all  carried  on  mule  back,  they  are 
thus  independent  of  roads,  can  accompany  infantry 
over  any  ground,  and  come  into  action  on  the  most 
restricted  space.  As  the  several  regiments  came  up 
they  sought  a  momentary  shelter  in  the  broken 
ground,  and  when  all  was  ready,  General  Garvock 
sounded  the  'advance.'  At  that  signal  5,000  men 
rose  from  their  cover,  and  with  loud  cheers  and 
volleys  of  musketry,  rushed  to  the  assault ;  the  regi- 
ments of  Pathans,  Seiks,  and  Goorkas  vieing  with  the 
English  soldiers  as  to  who  should  first  reach  the 
enemy.  From  behind  every  rock  and  shrub  at  the 
foot  of  the  peak  small  parties  of  mountaineers  jumped 
up,  and  fled  as  the  advancing  columns  approached. 
It  took  but  a  few  minutes  to  cross  the  open  ground, 
and  then  the  steep  ascent  began,  our  men  having  to 
climb  from  rock  to  rock,  and  their  formation  neces- 
sarily becoming  much  broken.  Foremost  among  the 
many  could  be  distinguished  the  scarlet  uniforms  of 
the  101st  Fusiliers,  who,  led  by  Colonel  Salisbury, 
steadily  swarmed  up  the  mountain  and  captured  the 
defences  in  succession  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet, 
the  enemy's  standards  dropping  as  their  outworks 
fell;  whilst  here  and  there  the  prostrate  figures  of 
our  men  scattered  about  the  rocks,  proved  that  the 
hill-men  were  striking  hard  to  the  last.  Nothing, 
however,  could  withstand  the  impetuosity  of  the 
assault,  and  ere  many  minutes  had  elapsed  the 


1863  THE   MOUNTAINEERS   DEFEATED  215 

conical  peak  from  foot  to  summit  was  in  the  pos- 
session of  British  soldiers.  I  had  the  misfortune 
during  the  assault  to  fall  over  a  large  rock,  seriously 
injuring  my  right  knee  and  tearing  the  ligaments, 
becoming  for  the  moment  incapable  of  climbing; 
but  by  the  help  of  a  mule,  lent  from  one  of  the  bat- 
teries, managed  to  reach  the  crest  of  the  mountain. 
Our  panting  troops  still  pushed  on,  captured  the 
village  of  Laloo,  and  the  mountaineers  were  then 
driven  headlong  in  thousands,  down  the  steep  glades, 
threugh  the  pine  forests  to  the  Chumla  valley,  many 
hundred  feet  below. 

This  was  the  first  general  defeat  the  enemy  had  ex- 
perienced, and  they  were  not  left  long  to  recover  from 
its  effects.  At  daylight  the  next  morning  our  troops 
were  again  in  movement ;  one  brigade  marching  down 
direct  on  Umbeylah,  accompanied  byProbyn's  cavalry, 
who,  however,  had  to  lead  their  horses  down  the 
precipitous  slopes  until  they  reached  the  valley.  In 
the  meantime  the  other  brigade  descended  from  Laloo 
and  deployed  at  the  foot.  The  tribes,  although  at 
first  they  seemed  inclined  to  make  a  stand,  gradually 
fell  back.  The  brigade  from  Laloo  followed  them  up, 
passed  the  village  of  Umbeylah,  and  approached  the 
hills  leading  to  Bonair.  The  enemy,  who  had  been 
lying  concealed  in  the  ravines  and  broken  ground, 
suddenly  rushed  out,  sword  in  hand,  wildly  attacked 
one  of  our  Seik  regiments,  and  for  the  moment 


2l6        RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A  MILITARY   LIFE        1863 

even  penetrated  its  ranks.  The  Seiks,  however,  were 
rallied  by  their  officers,  and  supported  by  the  7th 
Fusiliers,  and  the  enemy  in  a  few  minutes  were 
driven  back  with  great  loss.  In  the  meantime  three 
field  guns,  under  Captain  Griffin,  E.A.,  which  had 
been  brought  down  on  elephants,  got  into  action  and 
shelled  the  crowded  heights,  the  tribes  withdrawing 
out  of  range.  Our  losses  during  the  two  days  were  : 
one  officer  killed,  1  four  wounded,  and  there  were  172 
casualties  amongst  the  men.  As  all  tents  and  bag- 
gage had  been  left  on  the  mountain,  we  bivouacked 
for  the  night  outside  Umbeylah,  which  was  set  on  fire. 
The  weather  unfortunately  was  wet  and  cold,  so  that 
lying  in  the  open  wrapped  up  in  a  blanket  was  not 
luxurious  ;  and,  to  add  to  my  discomfort,  all  at  once 
I  felt  what  seemed  to  be  a  snake  crawling  about  my 
legs.  Having  with  difficulty  obtained  a  lighted  match, 
I  suddenly  threw  aside  the  blanket,  when  a  huge 
black  rat  darted  out,  but,  as  I  found  the  next  morn- 
ing, had  eaten  large  holes  in  my  only  pair  of  trousers, 
so  that  I  presented  altogether  a  somewhat  damp  and 
dilapidated  appearance,  These,  however,  were  but 
minor  incidents  in  a  very  interesting  campaign. 

The  effect  of  our  vigorous  movements  on  the 
15th  and  16th  was  immediate  and  decisive.  The 
men  of  Bajour  and  Dher,  who  had  come  so  far  and 

1  The  names  of  the  officers  were,  Lieutenant  Alexander  killed ; 
Major  Wheeler,  Captain  Chamberlain,  Lieutenants  Nott  and  Marsh 
wounded. 


1863  TERMS   OF   PEACE  217 

were  so  eager  for  war,  now  fled  to  their  native  fast- 
nesses.    The  Akoond  and  his  followers  were  no  more 
to  be  seen ;  and  the  chiefs  of  Bonair,  relieved  from 
the  presence  of  overbearing  allies,  came   into  camp 
the   next  day   to   discuss   terms   of  peace.     Under 
ordinary  circumstances  a  force  of  sufficient  strength 
would  no   doubt   have  been  sent  forward  to  drive 
away  the  original  offenders,  and  to  destroy  their  chief 
village — Mulka.     But  the  Punjab  Government  were 
anxious  to  limit  the  scope  of  the  expedition,  and  to 
withdraw  from  the  mountains.     Consequently  a  some- 
what hazardous  compromise  ensued ;  Colonel  Eeynell 
Taylor,  the  commissioner,  proceeding  with  one  native 
regiment,  about  400  strong,  accompanied  by  an  escort 
of  the  Bonairs,  to  burn  the  distant  village.     Eoberts 
and   myself,  being  anxious   to  visit  a   part  of  the 
country  hitherto  unexplored,  joined  the  party.     The 
first  day's  march,  on  December  20,  was  along  the 
Chumla  Valley  to   Kooria.     We  saw   little   of  our 
new  friends  the  Bonairs,  but  the  inhabitants  were 
civil    and  met  our  requirements  as    to    food;    the 
next  morning  we  commenced  our  long  and  toilsome 
march  up  the  mountain  to  Mulka ;  which  proved 
to   be   a    large,   new,   well-built    village   of    wood, 
where  we  remained  for  the  night.     The  inhabitants 
had  all  fled.     The  following  morning  the  whole  place 
was  set  on  fire  ;  the  hill  tribes  of  the  Mahabun,  armed 
and  in  large  numbers,  however,  watching  us  at  a  dis- 


2l8         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1863 

tance.  The  native  officers  of  our  regiment  repre- 
sented that  the  tribes  were  greatly  exasperated,  and 
might  at  any  moment  fire  off  their  matchlocks  and 
make  a  rush  at  us.  However,  we  kept  well  to- 
gether, and  as  soon  as  the  village  had  been  destroyed, 
steadily  marched  back  to  the  valley,  and  rejoined  the 
main  force  under  General  Garvock.  On  Christmas 
day  the  British  troops  left  the  mountains  and  once 
more  stood  on  the  plains  of  Eusofzye,  the  Bonairs 
destroying  the  entrenchments  and  breaking  up  the 
roads  as  we  marched  away. 

Thus  ended  the  frontier  war  of  1863.  Intended  at 
the  outset  as  a  mere  excursion  against  fanatical 
robbers,  who  had  long  infested  the  border,  it  speedily 
grew  into  a  considerable  war,  the  Mohammedan  tribes, 
under  the  impression  that  their  independence  was  in 
danger,  combining  against  us.  The  campaign  was 
interesting  in  its  military  aspect,  in  giving  experience 
of  the  extreme  difficulty  and  expense  of  carrying  out 
offensive  operations  in  a  country  composed  of  moun- 
tain ranges,  devoid  of  communications,  and  inhabited 
by  races  of  men  whom  we  may  consider  half  civilised, 
but  who,,  at  all  events,  possess  the  virtues  of  courage, 
independence,  and  love  of  their  country,  and  physi- 
cally are  as  active  and  handsome  a  people  as  exists 
anywhere.  From  a  political  point  of  view  the  north- 
west frontier  of  India  is  also  full  of  interest.  After  a 
century  of  conquest,  with  dominions  now  extending 


1 864  A  WISE   POLICY  219 

1,600  miles  from  Calcutta  to  Peshawur,  we  have  at 
length  arrived  at  a  region  which  seems  marked  out 
by  nature  as  the  boundary  of  our  Empire.  The  con- 
ditions of  the  north-west  frontier  no  doubt  involve 
difficult  considerations,  but  it  seems  to  me  clear  that, 
whilst  guarding  against  incursions,  our  policy  to- 
wards our  somewhat  turbulent  neighbours  should  be 
one  of  forbearance  and  conciliation,  combined  in 
some  cases  with  subsidies. 

As  Sir  Charles  Wood,  the  Secretary  of  State  for 
India,  wrote  in  1864  :  '  Our  true  course  ought  to  be, 
not  to  interfere  in  their  internal  concerns,  but  to 
cultivate  friendly  relations  with  them,  and  to 
endeavour  to  convince  them,  by  our  forbearance  and 
kindly  conduct,  that  their  wisest  plan  is  to  be  on 
good  terms  with  us,  in  order  that  they  may  derive 
those  advantages  from  intercourse  with  us  which  are 
sure  to  follow  from  the  interchange  of  commodities 
and  mutual  benefits.'  It  is  a  policy  necessarily 
requiring  patience  and  somewhat  slow  in  its  effect, 
but  will  in  due  time  bring  its  reward,  and  indeed  it 
has  already  done  so  of  late  years.  Our  trans-Indus 
districts,  which  were  formerly  harried  by  the  neigh- 
bouring tribes,  are  now  comparatively  safe  and 
prosperous ;  and  many  Afghans  who  have  served  in 
our  ranks  have  returned  to  their  native  villages  with 
pensions,  and  with  a  kindly  feeling  and  remembrance 
of  those  under  whom  they  have  served.  Before 


220        RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE        1864 

leaving  this  subject,  it  may  be  well  to  point  out  that 
there  is  another  and  a  far  larger  question  beyond  that 
of  the  immediate  frontier  which  must  be  kept  steadily 
in  view  by  the  British  Government,  and  that  is  our 
relations  with  the  ruler  of  Afghanistan  in  connection 
with  the  advance  of  Eussia  in  Central  Asia.  I 
propose,  however,  to  defer  the  consideration  of  those 
important  questions  until  a  later  period,  when  the 
Afghan  war  of  1878-9  brought  matters  to  a  crisis. 


221 


CHAPTER  XX 

VISIT     TO     PESHAWUR — SIR     HUGH      ROSE     RETURNS     TO 

ENGLAND SIR      WILLIAM      MANSFIELD       APPOINTED 

COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF 

THE" good  sense  and  judgment  of  Sir  William  Denison, 
with  the  cordial  co-operation  and  support  of  Sir  Hugh 
Eose,  had  extricated  the  Government  of  India  from 
a  somewhat  dangerous  military  and  political  crisis  on 
the  north-west  border  ;  and  although  the  fierce 
passions  of  the  tribes  had  been  considerably  roused, 
the  excitement  gradually  cooled  down  when  our 
troops  returned  to  the  plains.  One  hill  chief,  how- 
ever, had  the  temerity  to  come  into  the  open,  and 
make  a  dash  at  one  of  our  patrolling  columns,  but 
was  speedily  driven  back.  I  forget  his  exact  name, 
but  by  the  English  soldiers  he  was  commonly  called 
Sawdust  Khan.  In  the  unsettled  condition  of  the 
frontier,  the  Commander-in-Chief  found  it  necessary 
to  remain  for  some  weeks  at  the  large  and  important 
station  of  Peshawur,  which  stands  half  encircled  by 
the  Afghan  mountains  and  only  a  few  miles  distant 
from  the  entrance  to  the  celebrated  Kyber  Pass. 


222         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1865 

Peshawur,  the  central  military  position  at  this  part 
of  our  territory,  has  a  large  old-fashioned  mud  fort, 
containing  considerable  reserves  of  armaments, 
munitions,  and  stores.  It  is  probably  strong  enough 
to  resist  the  desultory  attacks  of  Afghan  tribes  ;  but 
in  my  opinion  it  would  be  more  convenient,  and 
more  prudent  from  a  military  point  of  view,  were  the 
chief  reserves  of  the  district  withdrawn  to  Attock, 
on  the  other  side  of  the  Indus. 

The  Afghan  hill-men  at  the  time  of  our  visit  were 
in  a  very  lively  condition,  and  constantly  robbing  the 
station.  The  very  first  night  that  the  large  camp  of 
the  Commander  in-Chief  was  pitched  on  the  plain 
outside,  although  guards  and  patrols  were  plentiful, 
they  succeeded  in  carrying  off  some  bullocks  and 
two  camels,  and  the  theft  of  horses  was  not  of  rare 
occurrence.  The  frontier  chiefs,  however,  were 
friendly  to  a  limited  extent,  and  on  one  occasion 
accompanied  a  party  of  us  for  a  few  miles  within  the 
rocky  defiles  of  the  Kyber,  which  at  that  time  had 
not  been  visited  by  any  Englishman  for  years.  They 
made  it  a  condition,  however,  that  we  should  trust 
ourselves  entirely  to  their  protection,  and  not  take 
any  military  escort  ;  and  they  loyally  carried  out 
the  compact.  Our  relations  with  them  at  the  time, 
were,  in  fact,  a  curious  mixture  of  friendship  by  day, 
combined  with  occasional  brigandage  on  the  part  of 
their  followers  by  night. 


1865  CHI  LI  AN  WALLAH  223 

Towards  the  end  of  February  the  camp  of  Sir 
Hugh  Eose  and  the  staff  marched  slowly  southwards 
through  the  Punjab,  crossing  in  succession  by  bridges 
of  boats,  the  Indus,  Jhelum,  and  Chenab  rivers  to 
Lahore.  What  with  the  elephants,  camels,  horses, 
bullocks,  sheep,  and  goats  which,  combined  with 
hundreds  of  followers,  form  essential  features  of 
militar}^  out-of-door  life  in  India,  the  camp  resembled 
an  Oriental  fair  and  menagerie  more  than  anything 
else  ;  and,  owing  to  the  vast  impedimenta  considered 
esselitial,  the  marches  did  not  exceed  twelve  miles 
a  day. 

We  took  the  opportunity  one  day  of  visiting  the 
sandy  plain  of  Chilianwallah,  on  which  in  1849  the 
great  battle  had  been  fought  between  the  British 
army  and  the  Seiks.  The  24th  Regiment  specially 
suffered  great  losses  on  that  occasion,  and  an  officer 
who  had  been  present,  informed  me  that  on  the 
evening  of  the  battle  the  bodies  of  thirteen  officers 
of  that  regiment  were  laid  side  by  side  in  the  mess- 
tent,  including  the  colonel  (Pennycuick)  and  his  son, 
the  adjutant.  The  obelisk  erected  on  the  plain  in 
memory  of  the  conflict  bears  the  following  inscrip- 
tion :  '  Around  this  tomb  was  fought  the  sanguinary 
battle  of  Chilianwallah,  13th  January,  1849,  between 
the  British  forces  under  Lord  Gough,  and  the  Seiks 
under  Eajah  Sher-Sing.  On  both  sides  did  innumer- 
able warriors  pass  from  this  life  dying  in  mortal 


224         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1865 

combat.  Honoured  be  the  graves  of  these  heroic 
soldiers  !  In  memory  of  those  who  fell  in  the  ranks 
of  the  Anglo-Indian  Army,  this  monument  has  been 
raised  by  their  surviving  comrades,  at  whose  side 
they  perished,  comrades  who  glory  in  their  glory,  and 
lament  their  fate.' 

Having  served  for  six  years  and  a  half  continu- 
ously in  India,  and  having  obtained  leave  of  absence, 
I  left  the  camp  on  its  arrival  at  Lahore,  hurried  to 
Calcutta,  and  embarked  for  England  in  April.  As, 
however,  many  changes  were  still  in  progress,  in 
respect  both  to  the  personnel  and  materiel  of 
artillery,  and  in  the  Ordnance  Department  in  India, 
it  was  deemed  expedient  that  I  should  cut  short  my 
visit  home ;  and  in  October  I  accordingly  returned 
to  resume  my  duties  and  landed  in  Bombay.  As 
regards  the  Ordnance  Department,  the  fact  was  that, 
owing  to  the  triplicate  system  of  military  administra- 
tion, which  had  prevailed  in  the  days  of  the  old  East 
India  Company,  the  arrangements  in  each  presidency 
varied ;  and  the  armaments,  munitions,  and  stores 
were  not  identical  in  pattern,  whilst  many  were 
old  and  obsolete.  The  depots  were  scattered  about 
without  much  reference  to  strategical  considerations, 
and  were  too  numerous.  The  system  was  not  only 
costly  but  inefficient  ;  and,  in  view  of  the  great 
advances  of  artillery  science,  a  general  re-organisa- 
tion had  become  necessary.  During  my  visit  to 


1864  THE   NATIVE  TROOPS  225 

England,  I  had  been  in  communication  with  Sir 
Charles  Wood,  the  then  Secretary  of  State  for  India, 
on  these  matters. 

On  arrival  at  Bombay  I  had  an  interesting  con- 
versation with  the  Governor,  Sir  Bartle  Frere,  on 
military  subjects ;  more  especially  as  to  whether 
the  native  troops  should  be  thoroughly  trusted  and 
armed  with  the  best  modern  weapons,  or  be  relegated, 
as  it  were,  to  an  inferior  position,  and  be  looked  on 
as  more  or  less  subordinate  auxiliaries.  I  gave  my 
opinion  that  a  policy  of  mistrust  was  not  only  a 
mistake,  but  would  in  reality  defeat  itself;  that  the 
native  regiments  should  be  armed  and  equipped  like 
the  English  soldiers  in  every  respect ;  the  numbers 
to  be  maintained,  and  their  nationalities,  resting  of 
course  with  the  Government.  It  was  a  satisfaction 
to  find  that  Sir  Bartle  Frere  entirely  concurred  in 
these  views. 

Leaving  Bombay,  and  being  anxious  to  rejoin  Sir 
Hugh  Eose  quickly,  I  travelled  through  Central  India, 
first  of  all  for  about  three  hundred  miles  on  a  partly 
finished  railway,  with  occasional  breaks  ;  and  then  for 
five  hundred  miles  outside  a  mail-cart,  passing  hastily 
through  Indore,  Gwalior,  Agra,  and  Delhi  to  Meerut. 
Although  I  found  time  to  make  a  few  hasty  sketches, 
it  has  always  been  a  matter  of  regret  that  military 
exigencies  rendered  me  unable  to  pay  more  than  mere 
flying  visits  to  so  many  native  cities  of  great  historical 

Q 


226        RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A  MILITARY   LIFE        1865 

and  architectural  interest.  Delhi  and  its  neighbour- 
hood especially  is  rich  in  picturesque  mosques, 
tombs,  palaces,  and  forts  of  the  former  Mogul 
dynasties. 

On  arrival  at  Meerut  I  found  that  Sir  Hugh  Eose 
had  seriously  injured  himself,  having  broken  several 
ribs  by  a  fall  out  hunting,  so  that  for  the  time  our  move- 
ments were  at  a  standstill.  However,  early  in  1865, 
as  soon  as  he  had  recovered,  the  head  quarters  staff 
continued  their  tour,  and  arrived  at  Lucknow,  where 
a  somewhat  amusing  incident  occurred.  During  the 
Mutiny,  an  officer  had  gained  the  Victoria  Cross  for 
gallant  conduct  in  the  residency,  but  owing  to  some 
delay  had  not  actually  received  the  decoration  ;  and 
the  Commander-in-Chief  was  therefore  glad  of  the 
opportunity  of  presenting  it  to  him  on  the  very  spot 
where  he  had  gained  it.  A  general  parade  was  ordered, 
the  troops  to  be  formed  up  round  the  ruins  of  the 
residency ;  and  all  the  civilians  and  ladies  of 
Lucknow  were  invited  to  be  present.  On  the 
morning,  when  the  hour  of  parade  was  at  hand,  the 
staff  assembled  in  readiness  in  a  bungalow,  and  it 
was  understood  that  the  Commander-in-Chief  was 
preparing  an  appropriate  speech  for  the  occasion. 
Search  was  then  made  for  the  box  containing  the 
Victoria  Cross,  but  it  was  nowhere  to  be  found,  and 
after  an  anxious  hurried  inquiry  we  discovered  that 
by  some  mistake  it  had  been  left  behind  at  Simla  in 


1 865  AN   AWKWARD   MISTAKE  227 

the  Himalayas.  This  was  awkward,  especially  as  Sir 
Hugh  would  naturally  be  annoyed  at  so  unfortunate  an 
error.  The  suggestion  was  made  that  some  officer  of 
the  garrison  should  be  asked  to  lend  his  for  the  occa- 
sion ;  but  that  also  failed,  no  officer  nearer  than 
Cawnpore  (fifty  miles  off)  having  gained  one.  There 
was  no  time  to  be  lost,  and  at  length  Colonel  Donald 
Stewart,1  the  Deputy  Adjutant  General,  volunteered 
to  inform  the  Commander-in-Chief :  an  offer  which 
was  at  once  accepted.  Stewart  on  entering  the 
rodrn  found  Sir  Hugh  engaged  in  considering  his 
speech,  and  then  cautiously  and  gently  announced 
that  a  slight  mistake  had  occurred,  and  that  the 
Victoria  Cross  had  been  left  behind.  The  Com- 
mander-in-Chief, as  anticipated,  was  angry,  and  com- 
plained that  he  had  been  treated  with  neglect. 
However,  after  he  had  cooled  down,  Donald  Stewart 
said  that  in  his  opinion  the  difficulty  could  readily 
be  got  over ;  and,  taking  the  cross  of  the  Com- 
panionship of  the  Bath  from  his  breast,  suggested 
that  it  should  be  presented  to  the  officer  on  parade, 
in  lieu  temporarily  of  the  other  ;  pointing  out  that 
the  troops  arid  the  assembled  company  would  not  be 
near  enough  to  distinguish  the  difference.  Sir  Hugh 
at  once  took  in  the  situation,  accepted  the  compro- 
mise, and  acted  accordingly.  The  decoration  was 

1  Now  Field-Marshal  Sir  Donald  Stewart,  G.C.B. 

Q  2 


228         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1865 

presented,  the  Commader-in-Chief  made  an  appro- 
priate speech,  and  the  demonstration  altogether  was 
a  success.  My  remark  to  the  officer  afterwards  was 
that  as  the  Queen  had  given  him  the  Victoria  Cross, 
and  the  Commander  in-Chief  the  Bath,  I  thought  he 
was  entitled  to  wear  both  for  the  future.  There 
was  a  ball  in  the  evening  in  honour  of  the  occasion, 
and  in  default  of  a  real  cross  he  had  to  wear  a 
painted  leather  imitation  one. 

In  March  1866  the  term  of  office  of  Sir  Hugh 
Eose  came  to  a  close.  His  services  in  India  had 
been  of  an  eventful  and  distinguished  character,  not 
only  in  the  field,  in  his  celebrated  march  through 
Central  India  during  the  Mutiny,  but  also  in  military 
administration  at  a  period  of  important  changes.  The 
position  of  a  Comma nder-in-Chief  in  India,  always  a 
difficult  one,  was  peculiarly  so  during  his  term  of 
office.  The  extinction  of  a  great  institution  such 
as  that  of  the  old  East  India  Company  could  not  be 
accomplished  without  considerable  difficulty  and 
delay ;  prejudices  had  to  be  overcome,  and  vested 
interests  to  be  considered.  All  these  circumstances 
must  be  borne  in  mind  in  judging  the  career  of  Sir 
Hugh  Eose  from  1857  to  1865.  The  appointment 
of  Sir  William  Mansfield  as  his  successor,  an  officer 
of  long  experience  in  the  country,  and  of  great 
ability  as  an  administrator,  tended  to  complete  the 


1866  SIR   WILLIAM    MANSFIELD  229 

work,  and  to  produce  unity  of  system,  so  essential 
an  element  of  military  efficiency.  As  he  acted  in 
concert  with  the  Viceroy  Sir  John  Lawrence,  old 
prejudices  and  difficulties  gradually  disappeared,  to 
the  great  advantage  of  the  army  and  to  the  security 
of  the  Empire. 


230        RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1865 


CHAPTER  XXI 

THE   WAE   IN   BOOTAN 

DUEING  1865  another  border  war  occurred  in  India ; 
not  as  usual  on  the  north-west  frontier,  but  with 
Bootan,  an  almost  unknown  country  away  in  the  far 
East,  and  north  of  the  great  river  Brahmapootra. 
The  causes  were  of  the  usual  character — incessant 
depredations  in  our  districts  of  Assam  and  Cooch- 
Behar.  The  territory  of  Bootan,  with  a  length  of 
about  250  miles,  lies  amidst  the  southern  slopes  of 
the  highest  ranges  of  the  Himalayas,  the  eternal 
snows  forming  its  frontier  towards  Thibet.  It  is,  in 
fact,  a  country  of  stupendous  mountains,  intersected 
by  narrow,  precipitous  valleys  and  rapid  streams. 
The  rainfall  is  excessive ; l  and  all  along  its  southern 
border,  in  the  low  grounds  at  the  foot  of  the 
mountains,  are  dense  forests  and  marshy  jungles, 
almost  impenetrable  and  choked  with  vegetation. 
The  whole  of  the  lower  district  is  very  unhealthy, 
and  is  the  home  of  wild  elephants,  rhinoceros,  and 
tigers — natural  zoological  gardens,  in  short,  free  of 

1  The  rainfall  in  that  part  of  India  is  said  to  exceed  600  inches  a 
year. 


l86s  GOVERNMENT   OF   BOOTAN  231 

charge.  The  people  of  Bootan  have  little  or  no 
organised  military  force,  and  such  fighting  men  as 
exist  are  only  armed  with  knives,  bows  and  arrows, 
and  a  few  matchlocks  ;  so  that  in  a  military  sense  they 
are  not  at  all  formidable.  The  inaccessible  nature  of 
the  country  is  its  best,  and  indeed  almost  its  only, 
defence.  The  people  are  Chinese  in  type,  and  nomi- 
nally Buddhists  in  religion ;  but,  though  brave  and 
hardy,  are  almost  entirely  uncivilised,  and  the  ruling 
authorities  are  weak  and  treacherous.  The  govern- 
ment of  Bootan  appears  to  be  of  a  duplicate  character ; 
one  rajah  being  a  kind  of  spiritual  head  of  the  State 
without  power,  whilst  another  has  all  the  power  but 
apparently  no  head.  The  result,  as  might  be  expected, 
is  frequent  anarchy,  whilst  the  subordinate  rulers  along 
the  frontier  district  tyrannise  over  the  people  and 
plunder  their  neighbours  at  discretion.  For  a  century 
past,  indeed,  the  people,  instigated  by  their  chiefs,  had 
incessantly  committed  depredations  in  our  territories 
in  the  plains  :  carrying  off  men  and  women  as  slaves, 
and  also  elephants,  buffaloes,  and  property  of  all  kinds. 
Remonstrances  had  been  made  time  out  of  mind,  and 
missions  sent  to  try  and  bring  them  to  reason ;  but  all 
our  efforts  were  met  by  incivility,  almost  amounting 
to  insult,  and  by  evasion.  The  rulers  of  the  country, 
no  doubt,  relied  in  a  great  measure  on  its  inacces- 
sibility ;  and,  ignorant  more  or  less  of  our  power,  were 
defiant  and  treacherous  accordingly. 


232          RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1865 

In  1864  the  Government  of  India  decided  on  send- 
ing a  mission,  under  the  Honourable  Ashley  Eden, 
to  Poonaka,  the  capital.  His  instructions  were  to 
demand  the  release  of  all  captives,  and  to  endeavour 
to  arrange  for  peaceful  commercial  intercourse  in  the 
future.  Leaving  Darjeeling  in  January,  he  crossed 
the  river  Teesta,  the  western  boundary  of  Bootan ; 
but  throughout  his  long  and  difficult  journey  to  the 
interior,  although  he  succeeded  in  reaching  Poonaka, 
and  although  the  poor  villagers  appeared  well- 
disposed,  he  was  met  with  evasion  and  constant 
delay  from  those  in  authority ;  and,  when  he 
arrived  at  length  at  the  capital,  the  conduct  of  the 
Government  was  so  threatening  and  grossly  insulting 
that  he  only  got  away  with  difficulty,  having  under 
compulsion  signed  an  obnoxious  treaty,  which,  on  his 
return  to  India  in  April,  was  immediately  disavowed 
and  repudiated. 

It  was  quite  evident  that,  unless  we  were  content 
to  submit  to  violence  and  insult,  the  time  had  fully 
arrived  for  a  recourse  to  arms.  An  expedition  was 
arranged  accordingly,  and  our  troops  entered  Bootan 
from  the  plains  in  three  separate,  widely  detached 
columns,  of  no  great  strength.1  The  one  in  the  East 
marched  a  few  miles  up  a  gorge  to  Dewanghiri,  and 
took  it  ;  but  subsequently,  on  being  attacked, 
abandoned  the  position,  and  fell  back  with  the  loss  of 

1  See  map  of  Bootan. 


i86s  DEATH    OF   CAPTAIN   GRIFFIN  233 

two  guns.  The  temporary  defeat  was,  however, 
speedily  avenged  by  a  force  under  the  command  of 
the  late  General  Tombs,  of  which  the  55th  Eegiment 
under  Colonel  Hume  l  formed  part,  and  the  place  was 
retaken  and  held.  The  centre  column  also  advanced 
into  the  hills  and  established  itself  at  Buxa ;  whilst 
the  third  assaulted  and  captured  Dalimkote,  an  old 
fort  on  a  mountain  ridge  in  the  western  ranges,  and 
about  5,000  feet  above  the  sea. 

Dalimkote,  a  few  miles  from  the  plains,  was  only 
formidable  owing  to  its  almost  inaccessible  position  ; 
and  our  troops  engaged  in  its  capture  had  to  climb  the 
steep  sides  of  the  mountain,  by  tortuous  and  narrow 
paths,  and  through  thick  jungles.  In  fact,  the  whole 
neighbourhood  was  a  mass  of  dense  forest  and  luxuri- 
ous undergrowth.  The  officers  and  men  of  a  battery 
of  artillery  had  managed  with  difficulty  to  carry  a 
small  mortar  up  the  hill-side  with  a  view  to  a  short 
bombardment,  preceding  assault.  Hardly  had  it  been 
brought  into  action  near  the  entrance  gate  than  by 
some  unfortunate  accident  a  barrel  of  gunpowder 
exploded,  killing  Captain  Griffin,  E.A.,2  both  his  lieu- 
tenants, and  six  gunners,  besides  wounding  several 
others.  The  small  garrison,  however,  did  not  wait  for 
an  assault,  but  bolted,  and  the  fort  fell  into  our  hands. 

1  Now  General  Sir  Henry  Hume,  K.C.B. 

2  Captain  Griffin  had  been  in  command  of  a  battery,  and  had  done 
excellent  service  during  the  previous  frontier  war  of  Umbeylah.     The 
names  of  the  two  lieutenants  were  E.  Walker  and  E.  A.  Anderson. 


234         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         18 

Our  columns  had  not  penetrated  for  any  great 
distance  into  the  country,  still  the  occupation  of 
three  important  passes  not  only  prevented  the 
Booteas  from  plundering,  but  also  put  a  stop  to  their 
commerce,  which,  though  comparatively  trifling  in 
amount,  proved  a  great  blow  to  these  isolated  moun- 
taineers ;  so  that,  after  many  attempts  at  evasion, 
towards  the  end  of  1865  they  were  prepared  to  come 
to  terms.  Being  desirous  of  visiting  a  part  of  the 
country  so  little  known,  and  of  so  much  interest  at 
the  time,  I  left  Calcutta  in  January,  made  a  rapid 
journey  of  about  400  miles  due  north  to  Darjeeling, 
and  from  that  hill  station  started  on  an  expedition 
for  a  fortnight  along  the  Bootan  frontier,  returning 
by  a  voyage  down  the  river  Brahmapootra.  The 
first  part  of  the  journey  from  Calcutta  to  the  Ganges 
was  by  rail ;  and  having  crossed  the  river  to  Caragola, 
I  was  then  carried  by  coolies  in  a  palanquin,  a  sort 
of  elongated  bandbox,  for  120  miles  to  the  foot  of 
the  mountains,  not  meeting  a  single  Englishman 
during  the  journey.  The  country  was  perfectly  flat, 
and  at  night  a  native  walked  in  front  with  a  lighted 
torch,  in  order,  so  it  was  stated,  to  scare  away  the 
tigers.  The  coolies  as  they  carried  me  along  some- 
times broke  out  into  a  low  monotonous  chant, 
occasionally  varied  by  a  dismal  moaning  chorus.  I 
tried  to  ascertain  the  burden  of  their  song,  and  found 
that  it  was  myself,  and  that  the  coolie  refrain  was 


SKETCH  MAP  TO  ILLUSTRATE  TOUR  IN  BOOTAN,  JANUARY  1 866 


1866  NATIVE   SUSPENSION    BRIDGE  235 

somewhat  as  follows  :  '  This  is  a  heavy  man.  Oh ! 
what  a  fat  man,'  and  so  on.  Colonel  Bourchier,  E.A.,1 
joined  me  in  the  '  Terai,'  a  narrow  belt  of  marshy 
forest  lying  at  the  foot  of  the  slopes ;  and  then,  on  a 
couple  of  mules,  we  ascended  the  Himalayas  to 
Darjeeling.  Not  being  encumbered  with  any  baggage 
to  speak  of,  our  arrangements  for  the  expedition  were 
simple.  Leaving  Darjeeling,  we  rode  due  East  for 
about  twenty  miles,  and  by  a  gradual  descent  reached 
the  banks  of  the  Teesta,  a  rapid  river  about  100 
yards" wide,  remaining  for  the  night  in  the  hut  of  a 
young  officer  who,  with  a  picket  of  native  troops, 
was  in  charge  of  this  corner  of  the  frontier.  The 
scenery  was  charming,  and  we  met  occasional  parties 
of  Booteas  carrying  fruit  to  the  Darjeeling  market. 

The  passage  across  the  Teesta  was  by  means  of  a 
cane  bridge  ;  and,  considering  that  the  inhabitants  are 
ignorant  and  uncivilised,  was  a  wonderful  specimen 
of  ingenuity  and  skill.  These  bridges,  of  which  there 
are  several  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  are  on 
the  suspension  principle,  and  made  entirely  of  bamboo 
canes  fastened  together.  There  is  not  a  nail  or  a 
single  piece  of  rope  used  in  the  whole  construction. 
They  swing  about  in  an  uneasy  way  in  passing  over 
them ;  and  as  the  canes  soon  become  rotten,  the  whole 
structure  gradually  perishes  and  falls  into  the  river, 
and  has  to  be  renewed.  Indeed,  as  I  understood, 

1  Now  General  Sir  George  Bourchier,  K.C.B. 


236         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1866 

they  require  re-building  annually.  Our  mules  were 
pushed  into  the  rapid  torrent  and  pulled  across  by  a 
long  line,  also  made  of  flexible  bamboos  and  devoid 
of  string.  Altogether  it  was  a  curious  experience  ; 
and  we  felt  much  sympathy  for  the  young  officer 
who  had  to  pass  months  on  guard  in  this  secluded 
valley,  without  a  fellow-countryman  to  speak  to. 
After  crossing  the  Teesta,  we  entered  Bootan  territory, 
began  a  long  ascent,  and  at  the  top  of  a  mountain 
found  another  officer  with  a  picket  in  a  solitary 
stockaded  fort.  The  scenery  all  round  was  magnifi- 
cent. Dense  forests  filled  the  deep  valleys,  and  far 
away  to  the  north  stood  the  snowy  crest  of  Kinchin- 
junga,  28,000  feet  high,  standing  out  clear  in  the 
horizon. 

Proceeding  along  over  the  mountains,  we  passed 
an  old  monastery  at  Tasigimpoo,  and  in  the  evening 
reached  a  deserted  Bootea  stockade,  where  we  re- 
mained for  the  night.  The  country  seemed  to  be 
thinly  inhabited,  but  the  few  people  we  met  were 
good-natured  and  friendly.  I  had  been  warned  not 
to  sleep  in  the  jungle,  as  we  should  be  devoured  by 
leeches  ;  so,  what  with  possible  tigers  on  the  one 
hand,  and  hungry  leeches  on  the  other,  caution  was 
necessary.  However,  I  escaped,  except  that  on  one 
occasion  a  superfluous  leech — not  a  tiger — attacked 
my  leg  during  the  night.  Otherwise  all  went  well, 
and  the  following  evening,  passing  through  glades  of 


1867  ACROSS   THE   PLAINS  237 

oak,  we  came  in  sight  of  the  picturesque  old  walled 
fort  of  Dalimkote,  overlooking  the  plains  of  Bengal, 
and  surrounded  with  feathery  woods  of  bamboo. 

Although  the  war  was  supposed  to  be  virtually 
at  an  end,  I  had  been  informed  by  Sir  John  Lawrence 
before  leaving  Calcutta  that  their  chief  warrior 
Tongso  Penlow  was  still  at  large  and  defiant,  and 
sure  enough  on  arrival  at  Dalimkote  it  was  found 
impossible  to  advance  further  into  the  country. 
Consequently,  in  order  to  reach  the  next  column  at 
Buxa  we  were  compelled  to  return  to  the  plains,  and 
after  a  ride  of  fifty  miles  reached  Julpigoree  on  the 
Teesta.  During  the  night  horses  were  placed  along 
the  road  eastwards  to  Cooch  Behar ;  and,  sending  on 
our  baggage  with  a  native  servant  on  an  elephant, 
we  started  early  the  following  morning,  galloped  for 
sixty  miles  over  the  plains,  and,  crossing  several 
rivers  on  rafts,  reached  Cooch  Behar  in  the  after- 
noon. There  was  no  time  to  spare,  so  after  a  few 
hours'  rest  we  turned  our  faces  again  northwards, 
and  after  another  long  ride  reached  the  centre 
column  at  Buxa.  The  hostility  of  Tongso  Penlow 
had  thus  compelled  us  to  make  a  detour  of 
about  150  miles ;  but  leaving  Buxa,  pushing  on 
over  the  mountains,  and  then  down  to  the  deep 
secluded  valley  of  the  Chin-chu,  we  at  length 
reached  our  most  advanced  post  at  the  small  village 
of  Tapsee,  and  were  rewarded  by  a  view  of  the 


RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1867 

magnificent  scenery  of  a  country  hitherto  unknown 
and  unexplored.  Our  pioneers  had  for  some  months 
past  been  engaged  in  constructing  a  road  towards 
the  interior,  cutting  through  forests,  blowing  up 
rocks,  and  constructing  temporary  bridges  over  pre- 
cipitous gorges  and  mountain  torrents.  We  were,  in 
short,  advancing  steadily  through  a  remarkable  and 
very  difficult  country  towards  Poonaka ;  and  the  per- 
ception of  this  fact  no  doubt  compelled  the  Bootan 
Government  at  length  to  sue  for  peace,  and  caused  even 
the  warlike  Tongso  to  cease  his  opposition.  Hurrying 
back  by  forced  marches,  I  took  leave  of  Colonel 
Bourchier  at  Cooch  Behar  ;  and  then  finally,  after  a 
long  solitary  gallop,  reached  Dobree,  on  the  Brahma- 
pootra, just  in  time  to  get  on  board  a  steamer  on  its 
return  voyage.  Although  several  hundred  miles 
from  its  mouth,  the  river  at  Dobree  resembled 
a  great  inland  sea.  Its  navigation,  owing  to 
numerous'  sandbanks,  is  somewhat  dangerous,  so 
that  we  could  only  move  during  daylight,  passing 
numerous  picturesque  native  boats  and  occasional 
alligators,  lying  like  logs  of  grey  wood  along  its 
banks.  After  a  few  days  we  arrived  at  Kooshtea,  near 
the  junction  of  the  Ganges  and  Brahmapootra,  and 
then  reached  Calcutta  by  railway.  The  expedition 
was  hurriedly  carried  out ;  still  it  was  most  interesting 
in  its  variety,  and  in  giving  a  glimpse,  at  all  events, 
of  a  country  so  peculiar  and  hitherto  so  little  known. 


s 

CO 


239 


CHAPTER  XXH 

FAREWELL   TO   INDIA EETURN   TO   REGIMENTAL    DUTY   AT 

WOOLWICH — APPOINTED     DIEECTOE    OF     AETILLEEY 

WAR   OFFICE    ORGANISATION 

HAVING  completed  an  almost  continuous  service  of 
nine  years  in  India,  ;the  time  had  at  length  arrived 
for  my  return  to  England.  After  many  wanderings 
in  distant  lands,  it  is  always  a  happiness  to  return 
home ;  still,  no  one,  I  think,  can  derive  other  than 
benefit  from  a  residence  for  a  time  in  the  great 
empire  which  England  has  established  in  the  East. 
To  a  soldier  the  experience  gained  is  invaluable,  not 
only  in  regard  to  the  incidents  of  camp  life  and  of 
marching,  but  also  from  the  exceptional  character  of 
the  campaigns  in  which  our  troops  are  so  often 
engaged.  Desirous  as  the  Government  may  be  for 
peace,  still  even  now  other  military  expeditions  may 
be  looming  in  the  future  ;  and  under  any  circum- 
stances the  preparations  for  possible  wars  require 
constant  care  and  watchfulness.  Indeed,  in  the  wide 
range  of  their  duties  in  India,  the  officers  and  men 
of  the  British  forces  gain  a  varied  experience  such 


240        RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A  MILITARY   LIFE        1867 

as  does  not  fall  to  the  lot  of  any  other  European 
army. 

The  subjects  of  interest  in  our  Eastern  dominions 
are,  however,  by  no  means  confined  to  arrangements 
for  military  expeditions.  The  various  races  of  people 
whose  customs,  laws,  and  religions  are  so  diverse  in 
themselves,  and  so  different  from  our  own,  the 
remarkable  history  of  the  country  in  the  years 
gone  by,  and  its  successive  invasions — all  these  are 
matters  of  a  specially  interesting  character ;  and 
never  more  so  than  at  the  present  time,  when  the 
results  of  our  conquest,  and  the  effects  of  modern 
civilisation,  are  beginning  to  exert  so  powerful  an 
influence  amongst  the  millions  over  whom  we  hold 
sway.  Old  customs  and  ancient  superstitions  are 
being  rapidly  and  almost  violently  disturbed.  In 
short,  the  establishment  of  our  rule  in  the  country  is 
not  only  an  unprecedented  event,  but  involves  a 
gradual  and  an  almost  entire  change  in  the  views 
and  habits  of  the  people.  We  have  given  them 
internal  peace,  sound  laws,  and  safety  of  life  and 
property,  such  as  they  have  never  enjoyed  before ; 
but  we  cannot  stand  still.  Enlightenment,  and  the 
diffusion  of  what  is  termed  education,  are  gravely 
affecting  the  character  of  the  people ;  and  it  is  not 
sufficient  to  guarantee  them  a  mere  peaceful  exist- 
ence ;  we  must  look  forward  to  the  results  as  they 
develop,  and  as  we  commenced  by  a  bold  policy, 


1867  OUR  ONLY   COURSE  241 

to  subjugate  a  vast  continent,  so  we  must  equally 
boldly  be  prepared  to  trust  the  people,  and  gradu- 
ally to  allow  all  ranks  and  classes  to  take  part 
in  the  political,  civil,  and  military  events  as  they 
arise.  By  consistently  and  courageously  following 
out  such  a  policy,  we  shall  present  a  noble  spectacle 
to  the  world '  of  a  great,  prosperous,  and,  what  is 
more,  an  enduring  empire  established  by  England 
in  the  East.  We  have,  indeed,  but  one  course  to 
pursue. 

Military  service  at  home  in  time  of  peace  is 
naturally  of  a  less  interesting  character  than  travels 
and  occasional  expeditions  in  distant  lands ;  and  the 
training  of  young  soldiers  at  Woolwich,  which  fell  to 
my  lot  for  some  time  after  my  return  to  England,  did 
not  present  incidents  of  a  striking  character.  At 
one  period,  I  remember,  there  was  a  considerable 
dearth  of  recruits,  especially  of  drivers  for  the  horse 
artillery,  partially  due  to  the  frequent  changes  in 
war  office  regulations  as  to  the  height  and  dimensions 
of  the  men  enlisted.  We  were  allowed  to  take  short 
men,  provided  they  were  of  exceptional  width  of 
chest  and  shoulders.  Meeting  an  old  recruiting  ser- 
jeant  one  day,  I  inquired  if  he  had  been  successful, 
but  he  was  by  no  means  sanguine  ;  and,  on  my  press- 
ing him  for  the  reason  of  his  comparative  failure,  he 
replied  :  '  Beg  your  pardon,  sir,  but  the  Almighty 
doesn't  make  the  men  the  shape  you  order  'em.' 

R 


242         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1867 

I  received  occasional  curious  letters  from  soldiers, 
one  or  two  of  which  are  worth  quotation.  The  first 
was  from  a  gunner  who  was  anxious  to  be  married, 
as  in  the  days  of  long  service  it  was  necessary  to 
obtain  previous  permission  from  the  commanding 
officer.  It  is  as  follows  :  *  Sir,  I  beg  you  will  pardon 
the  liberty  I  take,  in  requesting  the  favour  of  your 
permission  on  a  subject  which  depends  on  my  future 
happiness.  During  my  stay  in  Winchester,  I  have 
formed  an  attachment  with  a  highly  respectable 
young  person,  to  whom  I  wish  to  develop  my  senti- 
ments, by  a  matrimonial  engagement,  for  which 
purpose  may  I  beg,  sir,  the  favour  of  your  liberty  ?  * 
The  man,  so  far  as  my  recollection  goes,  was  duly 
married,  and  happy  ever  afterwards. 

The  second  letter  accidentally  fell  into  my  hands, 
and  is  of  a  romantic  character,  from  a  soldier  to  a 
girl  to  whom  he  was  devoted.  '  My  darling  Jane,  it 
is  with  great  Plesur  that  I  sit  down  to  right  a  fue 
lines  to  you,  with  the  intenchun  of  cheering  your 
drooping  sperits,  for  the  tempest  that  ranges  before 
you,  the  storm  is  hie,  the  tempest's  winds  blows  through 
the  parish,  the  throushes  is  warbling  their  songs  of 
melode,  but  by  far  the  sweetest  song  thare  singing, 
his  hover  the  water  to  Charley '  .  .  .  and  so  on. 

Whilst  stationed  at  Woolwich  an  incident 
occurred  connected  with  a  young  artillery  officer,  of 
Irish  family,  who  had  been  absent  for  some  years  on 


1870          APPOINTED    DIRECTOR   OF  ARTILLERY       243 

foreign  service ;  and  who,  on  his  return  to  Woolwich, 
was  taken  to  the  large  handsome  messroom  to  see 
some  recent  improvements.  Amongst  other  things,  a 
new  patent  stove  was  pointed  out  to  him ;  and  it  was 
explained  that,  whilst  it  gave  the  same  amount  of  heat 
as  the  old  fireplace,  there  was  a  considerable  economy 
of  coal — in  fact,  there  was  a  saving  of  half  the  fuel. 
The  officer  at  once  remarked:  'If  one  stove  saves 
half  the  fuel,  why  don't  you  buy  two  of  them,  and 
save  the  whole  of  it  ? '  This  view  had  never  occurred 
to  the  Mess  Committee. 

It  was  not  until  the  early  part  of  1870  that 
I  again  took  an  active  part  in  military  administra- 
tion, being  unexpectedly  offered  the  appointment  of 
Director  of  Artillery  at  the  War  Office,  by  the 
Minister  for  War,  Mr.  Cardwell,  whom  until  then  I 
had  never  seen.  It  happened  to  be  a  period  when 
considerable  reforms  in  the  army  were  under  con- 
sideration ;  and  I  was  fortunate  in  being  associated 
for  three  or  four  years  with  a  statesman  of  resolu- 
tion and  great  ability,  who,  in  the  face  of  much 
opposition,  parliamentary  and  other,  laid  the  founda- 
tion of  several  important  and  beneficial  changes,  not 
only  in  the  War  Office  itself,  but  also  in  the  terms 
of  soldiers'  service  and  in  general  improvement  of 
their  condition.  In  order  to  understand  the  general 
bearing  and  scope  of  some  of  the  chief  reforms  in- 
augurated by  the  late  Lord  Cardwell  during  his  term 

R  2 


244         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1870 

of  office  as  Minister,  it  will  be  desirable  to  give  short 
accounts  of  the  arrangements  formerly  existing  in 
each  case  ;  and  as  some  of  his  measures,  from  their 
nature,  only  arrived  at  maturity  years  after  he  had 
ceased  to  be  Secretary  of  State,  I  propose  to  trace 
their  gradual  development,  and  the  results  achieved, 
down  to  the  present  day. 

One  of  the  first  subjects  which  engaged  the 
attention  of  Mr.  Cardwell  was  the  difficult  one  of 
War  Office  administration.  The  authority  over  the 
army  was  formerly  more  or  less  of  a  dual  character ; 
the  personnel  of  the  infantry  and  cavalry  being 
under  a  Commander-in- Chief,  whilst  a  Master  General 
had  charge  of  the  ordnance  corps,  as  well  as  the 
provision  of  armaments  for  the  naval  and  military 
services.  These  arrangements  would  not  in  them- 
selves at  first  sight  appear  to  have  much  to  recom- 
mend them,  the  responsibility  being  rather  diffused. 
Still  it  must  be  remembered  that  they  bore  success- 
fully the  stress  of  the  great  wars  at  the  end  of  the  last 
and  in  the  earlier  years  of  the  present  century.  As  the 
Master  General  was  always  a  distinguished  officer, 
and  was  often  a  member  of  the  Cabinet,  and  further 
was  assisted  by  a  board,  some  of  whom  were  men  of 
military  experience  and  in  Parliament,  the  system 
apparently  suited  itself  more  or  less  to  our  constitu- 
tional form  of  government.  The  great  Duke  of 
Wellington,  who  was  for  some  time  Master  General, 


1870  WAR   OFFICE  ADMINISTRATION  245 

stated  that  the  Ordnance  Department  was  careful, 
economical,  and  efficient.  He  spoke  of  it  as  one  of 
the  most  ancient  departments  of  the  monarchy,  and 
that  it  was  a  pattern  for  others.1  When,  in  1849,  a 
proposal  had  been  made  to  abolish  the  board,  he 
strongly  opposed  it,  and  said  :  '  I  warn  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  danger  of  this  alteration  in  a  military 
view.'  Sir  Henry  Hardinge,  and  other  experienced 
General  Officers  who  had  held  the  same  office,  were 
of  similar  opinions. 

'  When  at  length,  after  a  peace  of  nearly  forty 
years,  we  again  in  1854  took  part  in  a  great  European 
war,  the  difficulties  which  at  once  ensued,  the  enor- 
mous cost  involved,  and  the  sufferings  of  our  troops 
during  the  winter  in  the  Crimea,  led  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  day  suddenly  to  inaugurate  a  new 
regime ;  and  early  in  1855  the  administration  of  the 
army  in  all  its  departments  was  vested  in  a  Minister 
for  War.  In  short,  we  made  the  somewhat  hazar- 
dous experiment  of  swopping  horses  when  crossing  a 
stream.  As  a  matter  of  general  principle,  it  is  pro- 
bable that  some  such  arrangement  was  desirable,  an 
army  being  a  department  of  the  State  which  requires 
concentration  of  authority.  But  it  is  to  be  observed 
that  the  Minister  for  War  is  usually  a  civilian,  and 
changes  with  each  Government,  so  that  neither  con- 
centration of  knowledge  nor  unity  of  purpose  neces- 

1  Clode's  Military  Forces  of  tJie  Croiun,  ii.  765. 


246         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1870 

sarily  followed  on  the  change ;  and,  further,  when 
the  new  system  came  into  force  the  Master  General 
and  board,  instead  of  being  simply  absorbed,  were 
abolished,  their  duties  being  divided  in  a  slap-dash 
fashion  amongst  various  departments.  Mr.  Clode  1 
says  that  after  the  first  Cabinet  of  Lord  Palmerston 
as  Premier,  early  in  1855,  the  Secretary-at-War 
*  brought  home  half  a  sheet  of  paper,  containing  a 
memorandum  that  the  Ordnance  Department  was  to 
be  abolished.' 

It  is  hardly  a  matter  of  wonder  that  this  sudden 
concentration  of  the  military  departments  in  anew  War 
Office,  under  a  parliamentary  chief,  and  in  the  midst 
of  a  great  war,  should  have  led  to  some  confusion, 
which  continued  for  several  years.  Soon  after  Mr. 
Cardwell  became  Minister,  he  appointed  a  committee 
under  Lord  Northbrook  (then  Under-Secretary)  to 
investigate  the  matter ;  and  the  results  of  their 
inquiries  led  to  a  reconstruction,  in  1870,  of  the 
various  departments  on  an  intelligible  and  sound 
basis.  The  War  Office  was  then  divided  into  three 
main  branches :  (1)  personnel,  under  the  Com- 
inander-in-Chief ;  (2)  materiel,  that  is,  armaments  for 
navy  and  army,  fortifications,  barracks,  commissariat 
and  clothing,  under  a  Surveyor  General  of  Ordnance, 
who  it  was  specially  stated  should  be  an  experienced 
officer — in  fact,  it  was  a  virtual  revival  of  the  office 

1  Clode's  Military  Forces  of  the  Orown,  ii.  251. 


1870  A   CIVIL  APPOINTMENT  247 

of  Master  General ;  (3)  finance,  to  be  represented  by 
an  Under-Secretary  in  Parliament. 

The  arrangement  was  simple,  and  soon  in  working 
order;  but,  unfortunately,  after  Mr.  Cardwell  had 
ceased  to  be  War  Minister  one  of  its  main  principles 
was  ignored,  and  the  office  of  Surveyor  General,  which 
obviously  required  military  experience,  came  to  be 
regarded  chiefly  as  a  civil  and  political  appointment, 
and  was  usually  conferred  on  a  member  of  Parliament, 
coming  and  going,  of  course,  with  the  Government  of 
the  day.  The  result  was  a  gradual  weakening  of  the 
whole  organisation.  As  a  proof  of  the  numerous 
changes  which  may  occur,  1  may  point  out  that 
between  1883  and  1887  there  were  no  less  than  five 
Ministers  for  "War,  and  four  Surveyors  General,  all 
civilians,  in  office  in  rapid  succession. 

It  so  happens  that  in  1887  there  were  two  Eoyal 
Commissions,  the  one  under  the  late  Sir  James 
Stephen,  and  the  other  under  Sir  Matthew  Ridley ; 
both  of  whom  advised  the  revival  of  the  Master 
General.  Sir  James  Stephen's  Commission  said : 
'  The  office  of  Master  General  of  the  Ordnance  should 
be  revived,  so  far  as  the  management  of  the  stores 
and  manufacturing  departments  is  concerned.  He 
should  be  a  soldier  of  the  highest  eminence.  .  .  . 
Sir  Matthew  Ridley  said  :  *  That  the  intentions  of 
Lord  Northbrook's  Committee  of  1870  have  not  been 
carried  out,  and  the  idea  of  securing  the  highest 


248         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1870 

professional  acquirements  for  the  position  has  been 
entirely  abandoned.  .  .  .  We  are  of  opinion  that  the 
Surveyor  General  of  the  Ordnance  should  in  future 
be  what  he  was  intended  to  be,  viz.. a  military  officer 
of  high  standing  and  experience,  and  that  he  should 
not  be  a  member  of  the  House  of  Commons.' 

Their  views,  however,  were  not  acted  on ;  and  in 
1888  the  office  of  Surveyor  General  was  abolished, 
and  its  numerous  duties  sub-divided,  some  being 
transferred  to  the  already  over-burdened  shoulders  of 
the  military  staff,  and  the  rest  handed  over  to  the 
Financial  Secretary ;  and  this  condition  of  affairs 
exists  to  this  day.  In  short,  the  War  Office  is  now 
divided  into  two  branches :  the  one  military,  with 
great  responsibilities  ;'  the  other  civil  and  financial, 
with  great  power.1  In  my  judgment,  should  war 
occur,  such  a  system  would  inevitably  break  down 
at  once.  Further  evidence,  however,  exists,  which 
will,  I  think,  be  conclusive  on  this  point.  In  1890  still 
another  Royal  Commission,  that  of  Lord  Hartington, 
examined  and  reported  on  this  question,  so  vital  to 
military  efficiency ;  and  it  is  to  be  observed  that  of 
its  members  three  had  already  held  the  office  of 
Minister  for  War — namely,  Lord  Hartington,  the 
late  Mr.  W.  H.  Smith,  and  Mr.  Campbell  Bannerman. 
In  their  report  they  practically  condemn  the  system 

1  See  evidence  of  H.E.H.  the  Commander-in-Chief  (Second  Report 
of  Committee  of  the  House  of  Commons  on  Army  Estima  tes,  1888, 
pp.  27,  35,  36,  and  52. 


1870  OUR   MILITARY  ARRANGEMENTS  249 

then  and  now  existing.  In  the  first  place,  they  point 
out  that  the  various  heads  of  the  spending  depart- 
ments have  no  direct  access  to  the  Secretary  of 
State  and  are  subordinate  one  to  the  other.  They 
consider  that  the  present  organisation  of  the  War 
Office  is  defective  in  principle,  and  they  go  on  to 
recommend  that  the  heads  of  departments  should 
be  directly  associated  with  the  Minister  for  War  * — 
in  short,  a  board  of  officers,  such  as  now  exists  at 
the  Admiralty. 

In  considering  this  great  national  question  I  would 
point  out  that  this  country  holds  quite  an  exceptional 
position  as  regards  its  military  arrangements  and 
preparations  for  war.  Other  nations  maintain  far 
larger  armies,  but  their  troops  as  a  rule  have  no 
foreign  duties,  or  distant  possessions  to  protect.  Our 
condition  is  much  the  reverse.  We  are  a  great  naval, 
military,  Indian,  and  colonial  empire ;  with  fleets, 
troops,  fortresses,  and  reserves  of  munitions  to  main- 
tain in  every  quarter  of  the  world ;  and  it  is  essential, 
not  only  that  the  two  fighting  services  should  act  in 
unity,  but  that  their  armaments  should  be  identical 
in  pattern,  and  that  the  reserves  at  home  and  abroad 
be  available  for  both.  Then,  again,  on  entering  on 
a  foreign  expedition,  we  have  at  once  to  undertake 
a  most  difficult  operation  in  the  rapid  embarkation 

1  See  Commission  on  the  Administration  of  the  Naval  and  Mili- 
tary Departments,  February  1890,  pp.  57,  67,  70,  73,  and  114. 


250         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1870 

of  men,  horses,  guns,  munitions,  engineer,  medical 
and  commissariat  stores  ;  so  that  from  every  point  of 
view  a  strong  administration  is  required,  and  one  in 
which  the  unrivalled  experience  of  our  officers  should 
be  fully  utilised  and  trusted. 

No  doubt  the  requirements  of  constitutional 
government  must  be  considered  and  provided  for. 
Indeed,  it  is  essential  that  the  naval  and  military 
services  should  be  adequately  represented  in  Parlia- 
ment, and  this  principle  was  fully  recognised  in  the 
years  gone  by.  For  instance,  in  1829,  when  the 
Duke  of  Wellington  was  Prime  Minister,  and  when 
our  military  expenditure  was  far  less  than  now,  the 
army  was  officially  represented  in  the  two  Houses  of 
Parliament  as  follows  : — 

Secretary  of  State,  War,  and )  id-/-,  -,1-  /-.  /-co 

„  .  J  .  .  General  Sir  George  Murray,  G.C.B. 

Colonies  ) 

Commander-in-Chief  .         .  .  General  Lord  Hill,  G.C.B. 

Master  General  of  Ordnance  .  General  Lord  Beresford,  G.C.B. 

Secretary  at  War        .        .  .  General  Sir  Henry  Hardinge,  K.C.B. 

Clerk  of  Ordnance       .        .  .  Rt.  Hon.  Spencer  Percival 

Lieut.-General  of  Ordnance  .  Lieut.-Gen.  Lord  Edward  Somerset. 

Surveyor  General  of)  Major-Gen.  Sir  Henry  Fane,  K.C.B. 

Ordnance 

Principal  Storekeeper  .  .  Colonel  Trench 

Clerk  of  Deliveries      .  .  .  General  Phipps 

Secretary  to  Master  General  .  Colonel  Lord  Downes 

Treasurer  of  Ordnance  .  .  William  Holmes 

Paymaster- General     .  .  .    Rt.  Hon.  J.  Calcraft 

Judge  Advocate  General  .  .  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  John  Beckett 

We   must   always   bear  in  mind  that  the  army 
is  no  mere  inanimate  piece  of  machinery.     On  the 


1870  AMUSING    INCIDENTS  251 

contrary,  it  is  one  of  the  most  vital  and  powerful 
elements  of  the  State ;  and  its  efficiency  can  only  be 
maintained  by  placing  the  administration  of  its 
various  departments  in  the  hands  of  competent  and 
experienced  general  officers,  and  investing  them  with 
adequate  power.  If  I  have  dwelt  at  some  length  on 
this  abstruse  subject,  it  is  because,  having  served 
both  as  Director  of  Artillery  and  Surveyor  General  of 
Ordnance,  I  have  gained  some  insight  into  its  diffi- 
culties, and  feel  earnestly  the  necessity  of  re-organis- 
ing the  department. 

Although  the  War  Office,  as  will  be  seen,  is  a 
department  of  hard  work  and  great  responsibility, 
still  even  within  its  gloomy  portals  there  are  now 
and  then  incidents  and  stories  of  an  amusing 
character.  Many  years  ago,  when  the  late  Sir  Corne- 
wall  Lewis  was  Minister  for  War,  on  one  occasion  he 
visited  the  infantry  depot  at  Warley  in  Essex,  and 
was  shown  a  handsome  room.1  After  admiring  its 
proportions  he  inquired  as  to  its  use,  when,  suddenly 
observing  a  wooden  vaulting  horse  at  the  far  end 
of  the  building,  he  said :  '  Oh  !  I  see — the  riding 
school.' 

The  late  Lord  Longford,  who  had  seen  much  active 
service  both  in  the  Crimea  and  India,  was  Under- 
secretary for  War  in  1867.  He  was  an  excellent 
administrator,  and  occasionally  very  humorous  in 

1  The  gymnasium. 


252         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE        1809 

his  minutes.  At  the  period  in  question  it  so  happened 
that  there  were  two  officers  of  high  rank  and  position 
in  the  War  Office  who  disagreed  in  their  views  on 
almost  every  subject,  and  were  constantly  in  collision — 
on  paper.  The  correspondence  became  so  voluminous, 
and  the  difficulty  so  perplexing,  that  at  length  the 
whole  matter  was  placed  before  Lord  Longford.  I  am 
unable  to  give  his  exact  words,  but  his  minute  to  Sir 
John  Pakington,  then  Minister  for  War,  was  to  the  fol- 
lowing effect.  '  Secretary  of  State, — This  is  a  very  inte- 
resting correspondence.  From  a  careful  perusal  I  have 
arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  both  these  gentlemen 
are  in  the  right.  The  case  is  now  for  your  disposal.' 

On  another  occasion,  another  Under-Secretary 
wrote  a  minute  as  follows :  '  Secretary  of  State, — This  is 
a  very  important  subject.  You  will  observe  that  the 
paper  is  folded  the  wrong  way.'  When  Sir  Henry 
Storks  was  Surveyor  General  of  the  Ordnance,  he  was 
waited  upon  by  an  excellent  old  messenger,  who, 
however,  in  his  conversation  was  apt  to  omit  his  h's. 
One  day  he  came  into  the  room,  and  said  :  '  Sir  'Enery, 
Mr.  Owl  wishes  to  see  you.'  '  Who  ?  '  asked  Sir  Henry. 
4 1  never  heard  of  him.'  '  Beg  your  pardon — it  is 
Mr.  Owl,  the  Director  of  Contracts.'  '  Oh,  Mr.  Howell ; 
show  him  in  ! ' l 

1  I  once  knew  a  gentleman  of  far  higher  rank  than  a  War  Office 
messenger  who  laboured  under  the  same  defect.  We  were  at  one 
time  interested  in  an  association  which,  though  useful,  constantly  met 
with  opposition.  Coming  across  him  one  day  after  a  meeting  which 


1869  'HARD-WORKED    CLERKS'  253 

Some  years  ago  the  Minister  for  War,  so  it  is  said, 
being  desirous  of  acquainting  himself  with  the  work 
of  the  different  branches,  visited  the  various  rooms 
and  inquired  as  to  the  details.  Meeting  a  gentleman 
in  the  passage,  he  asked  at  what  hour  he  usually 
came  to  his  duty.  '  Oh  ! '  said  the  gentleman  in  reply, 
4 1  usually  stroll  in  about  eleven  or  twelve  o'clock.' 
'  Stroll  in,'  said  the  minister,  in  surprise  ;  '  then  I  pre- 
sume you  do  not  leave  until  a  late  hour  ? '  '  Well,'  re- 
plied the  gentleman,  '  I  generally  slip  off  about  three 
o'clock.'  '  Slip  off  at  three  ? '  said  the  minister,  much 
scandalised.  '  Pray,  sir,  may  I  ask  what  department 
you  belong  to  ? '  '  Certainly,'  said  the  young  man  ;  '  I 
come  every  Saturday  to  wind  up  the  clocks  ! ' 

I  also  remember  a  curious  incident  which  happened 
to  Lord  Cardwell,  but  which  is  social  rather  than 
military.  After  he  had  ceased  to  be  minister,  it  so 
happened  that  the  wife  of  one  of  his  former  colleagues 
in  the  Government  gave  birth  to  a  child,  and  Lord 
Cardwell  called  to  make  inquiries.  When  the  butler 
opened  the  door,  he  announced  that  her  Ladyship 
was  going  on  well.  '  A  girl  ?  '  said  Cardwell,  in- 
quiringly. '  No,  my  Lord.'  '  Oh,  a  boy  ?  '  remarked 
Cardwell.  '  No,  my  Lord.'  '  Why,  surely — '  but  before 
he  could  say  more,  the  butler  interposed,  '  Beg  par- 
don, my  Lord,  but  it's  a  little  hare '  (heir). 

he  had  attended,  I  inquired  how  matters  were  going  on,  and  he  replied, 
1 1  was  determined  there  should  be  no  'itch,  so  I  brought  them  up  to 
the  scratch.' 


254         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1869 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

SHORT   SERVICE    AND    RESERVE 

AMONG  the  numerous  measures  carried  out  by  the 
late  Lord  Cardwell  during  the  period  of  his  adminis- 
tration of  the  War  Department,  none  has  exercised 
a  wider  or  more  beneficial  influence  than  the  intro- 
duction of  short  service  and  reserve  for  the  non- 
commissioned officers  and  men  of  the  army.  Indeed, 
when  we  consider  the  results  achieved,  it  seems  rather 
surprising  that  such  a  change  had  not  been  made 
long  ago,  not  only  in  the  interests  of  the  men,  but 
also  in  the  reserve  of  strength  which  it  gives  to  the 
country  in  the  event  of  war. 

In  considering  the  subject  in  its  various  bearings, 
both  military  and  financial,  it  will  be  desirable  to 
refer  shortly  to  the  methods  by  which  we  had 
endeavoured  to  maintain  our  forces  in  former  days. 
During  the  great  wars  in  which  this  country  was 
engaged  at  the  end  of  the  last  and  in  the  earlier 
years  of  the  present  century,  although  the  arrange- 
ments for  recruiting  occasionally  varied,  the  main 
principle  adopted  was  one  of  long  service  with 


1869  UNPOPULAR   RECRUITING  255 

high  bounties  on  enlistment,  and  small  pensions  on 
retirement.  Yet,  so  difficult  was  it  found  to  keep  the 
ranks  complete,  that  debtors  and  even  criminals  were 
pardoned  on  condition  of  serving  abroad.1  The  cost 
was  enormous.  For  instance,  in  1808  the  levy  and 
bounty  money  alone  exceeded  40/.  for  each  man, 
before  he  had  been  trained  or  had  done  a  day's 
service.  This  was  not  only  wasteful,  but  led  to 
drunkenness  and  desertion 2 ;  and,  notwithstanding  its 
cost,  the  plan  failed  in  providing  sufficient  recruits, 
and  the  army  at  critical  moments  was  lamentably 
behind  the  numbers  required.  For  instance,  early  in 
the  Peninsular  war  it  was  about  43,000  3  short  of  the 
desired  establishment,  and  during  the  Crimean  war 
the  deficiency  was  over  46,000.4 

The  real  fact  was  that  the  system  of  recruiting 
up  to  1870  was,  and  always  had  been,  unpopular. 
The  service  was  a  very  hard  one.  Eegiments  were 
kept  abroad  for  upwards  of  twenty  years,  often  in 
tropical,  unhealthy  climates ;  and  of  the  thousands 
who  enlisted  yearly  but  few  ever  returned,  and  even 
those  were  often  prematurely  aged  and  broken  down. 
It  is  no  wonder  that  the  poor  people  of  the  country 
looked  upon  enlistment  of  their  sons  with  dread,  and 
as  almost  equivalent  to  a  sentence  of  banishment  and 

'  Clode's  Military  Forces  of  the  Crown,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  25-60. 

2  Commissions  on  Recruiting,  1861,  p.  xiii.,  and  1867,  p.  x. 

3  Militia  Report  of  1877,  app.  xvii.,  p.  546. 

4  Commission  on  Recruiting,  1867,  p.  221. 


256         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1869 

of  death.  So  great  was  the  difficulty,  that  between 
1861  and  1869 — although  the  men  were  then  better 
paid,  fed,  and  clothed  than  in  former  years — the 
average  number  of  recruits  obtained  was  only  12,546 
per  annum.1  In  1867  General  Peel,  the  Minister  for 
War,  said  that  '  the  question  now  is  whether  the 
British  army  should  be  allowed  to  collapse.'  In  that 
year  another  Eoyal  Commission  was  appointed  to 
consider  the  subject,  and  in  their  report  said :  '  The 
military  history  of  this  country,  even  up  to  the  date 
of  the  last  great  war  in  which  we  were  engaged, 
shows  that  it  has  been  our  practice  during  periods 
of  peace  to  reduce  our  military  establishments  to 
the  lowest  possible  point  .  .  .  No  preparations  for  a 
state  of  war  were  thought  of;  and  the  consequence 
has  been  that,  when  war  occurred,  everything  had 
to  be  done  in  a  hurry  at  the  most  lavish  expense.  .  .  . 
Men  were  enrolled  and  sent  half-trained  into  the 
field,  material  manufactured,  transport  provided, 
and  accommodation  for  the  sick  and  wounded 
devised  and  organised.'  They  went  on  to  say  that 
'wars  will  be  sudden  in  their  commencement  and 
short  in  their  duration,  and  woe  to  that  country 
which  is  unprepared  to  defend  itself.' 

The  above  remarks  will  probably  be  sufficient 
to  demonstrate  the  difficulty  which  the  country  had 
experienced  over  and  over  again,  not  only  in 

1  Army  Return  for  1880. 


i8/o  SHORT   SERVICE   AND    RESERVE  257 

maintaining  its  forces  in  the  field  during  a  campaign, 
but  even  in  providing  sufficient  numbers  for  our 
garrisons  at  home  and  abroad  in  time  of  peace.  But 
whatever  may  have  been  the  merits  or  shortcomings 
of  the  arrangements  up  to  1870,  one  point,  at  all 
events,  was  perfectly  clear — that  the  army  had  no 
reserve.  One  or  two  feeble  efforts  in  that  direction 
had  been  made,  but  had  failed.  When  a  great  war 
came  upon  us,  the  only  resource  was  to  try  and 
stimulate  recruiting  by  lowering  the  physical 
standard  and  by  raising  the  bounties,  so  that  often 
the  campaign  was  over  before  the  desired  numbers 
had  been  obtained.1 

The  time,  indeed,  had  fully  come  for  a  change  of 
system.  In  March  1869,  Mr.  Card  well,  speaking  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  indicated  his  intention  of 
abolishing  the  plan  of  long  enlistments,  and  the 
following  year  introduced  the  bill  affirming  the 
principle  of  short  service  and  reserve.  What  he 
said  was  '  that  in  time  of  peace  the  army  would  feed 
the  reserve,  and  in  time  of  war  the  reserve  would 
feed  the  army.'  Having  confidence  in  the  scheme,, 
he  boldly  abolished  the  old  costly  system  of  bounty 
on  enlistment.  The  principle,  when  first  established, 
was  tentative  and  optional,  and  naturally  required 
time  before  a  correct  opinion  could  be  formed  of  its- 

1   See  Commission  on  Recruiting,  1861,  p.  iii. 

S 


258         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1870 

progress ;  indeed,  it  is  only  within  the  last  few  years 
that  the  reserve  has  developed  to  its  normal  figure. 
The  change  was  much  criticised  at  the  time,  and  it 
was  confidently  asserted  that  men  would  not  care  to 
engage  for  a  short  period ;  and  that  even  were  they 
to  do  so,  the  reserves  would  not  be  forthcoming  if 
called  out.  No  sooner,  however,  had  the  system 
been  adopted  than  its  success  year  by  year  became 
apparent.  Not  only  did  the  numbers  enlisting 
largely  increase,  but  the  proportion  of  those  selecting 
long  service  rapidly  declined.  Then  again,  although 
the  formation  of  a  reserve  was  necessarily  gradual, 
we  have  had  two  proofs  of  its  reliable  nature ; 
the  men  composing  it  having  been  called  out,  first 
in  1878  under  apprehension  of  war,  and  again 
partially  in  1882  during  the  Egyptian  campaign ;  and 
in  both  cases  the  percentage  of  absentees  was  very 
small.  I  have  already  mentioned  that  during  the 
last  years  of  the  long  service  system  the  average 
annual  number  of  recruits  was  only  12,546,  whereas 
in  1892  no  less  than  41,659  men  joined  the  army, 
and  the  reserve  had  in  January  1894  reached  the 
large  figure  of  80,349.  Before  leaving  the  subject 
of  reserves,  it  will  be  as  well  to  mention  that  Lord 
Cardwell,  in  1870.  also  gave  effect  to  the  Militia  Act 
of  1867,  by  which  a  certain  number  of  men  of  that 
force,  on  receiving  a  small  annual  bounty,  engage  to 
join  the  regular  army  in  case  of  war.  This  reserve 


1870  THE  FINANCIAL  ASPECT  259 

now  amounts  to  30,103,  in  addition  to  the  numbers 
just  quoted. 

These  facts  are  undeniable  proofs,  not  only  of  the 
popularity  of  the  present  arrangement,  but  also  that 
the  army  can  at  once  be  largely  augmented  in  case 
of  necessity  by  men  thoroughly  trained  and  in  the 
prime  of  life.  There  are,  however,  other  satisfactory 
elements  in  the  present  system.  The  old  feeling 
that  the  man  who  enlisted  was  virtually  lost  to  his 
family  is  becoming  a  tradition  of  the  past.  In 
former  times,  as  I  have  said,  but  few  returned,  and 
even  they  were  often  prematurely  aged  by  long 
residence  in  unhealthy  climates  ;  whereas  now-a- 
days  the  men  who  come  back  to  civil  life  are,  on  an 
average,  little  over  twenty- six  years  old,  and  their 
numbers  amount  to  more  than  17,000  per  annum, 
whilst  their  few  years  passed  in  the  army  have 
been  beneficial  in  giving  them  habits  of  discipline 
and  obedience. 

From  a  financial  point  of  view — which,  it  is 
needless  to  say,  is  an  important  feature — the  results 
are  equally  satisfactory.  In  the  first  place,  the 
enormous  sums  formerly  spent  in  bounties  and  levy 
money  are  now  in  a  great  measure  saved.  Then, 
again,  the  pension  list  is  decreasing.  Had  the  old 
plan  continued,  with  the  army  at  its  present  strength, 
the  annual  cost  of  pensions  would  have  been  nearly 

8  2 


260        RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1870 

3,000,000^.  per  annum.  It  will  now  gradually 
decrease  to  less  than  one-third  of  that  amount.  By 
an  actuarial l  calculation  it  is  estimated  that,  taking 
all  charges  into  consideration,  the  economy  of  the 
present  system  over  the  old  one  will  be  a  saving  in 
the  normal  of  21 '71  per  cent,  for  Great  Britain  and 
of  47 '2  for  India.  The  above  statements  are  made, 
not  as  mere  matters  of  opinion,  but  as  facts  founded 
on  official  records  and  parliamentary  reports ;  and 
afford  proofs  that  whilst  military  service  is  more 
popular,  and  our  strength  and  elasticity  for  war 
considerably  greater  than  formerly,  at  the  same  time 
the  annual  cost  is  much  less.  It  may,  perhaps,  be 
said  that  the  army  estimates  are  increasing ;  and  my 
reply  is  that  as  the  Empire  is  expanding,  it  re- 
quires not  only  more  men,  but  more  numerous 
and  costly  armaments  for  defence,  than  in  the 
past. 

Even  the  results  just  quoted  do  not  conclude  the 
story.  Several  other  incidental  advantages  arise 
from  the  abandonment  of  long  service,  which  may 
be  shortly  alluded  to.  Many  persons,  for  instance, 
appear  to  be  under  the  impression  that  a  large 
proportion  of  the  men  now  serving  are  less  efficient 
in  point  of  age  than  formerly,  but  the  evidence 
points  the  other  way. 

The  following  are  the  ages  of  the  non-commis- 

1  Actuarial  War  Office  Eeport,  January  1889. 


i8yo 


LONG   VERSUS   SHORT   SERVICE 


26l 


sioned  officers  and  men  serving  in  January  1871  and 
1894  respectively.1 

Proportion  per  1,000  men 


Year 

Under  20 

Between  20  &  30 

Over  30 

Total 

1871 
1894 

190 
170 

490 

742 

320 
88 

1,000 
1,000 

The  above  figures  are  somewhat  remarkable,  as 
showing  that  the  number  of  men  of  the  most  service- 
able ages  (that  is,  between  20  and  30)  has  largely 
increased  since  the  introduction  of  short  service ; 
and  I  believe  that  experienced  officers  will  concur 
with  me  that  the  army  of  1894  is,  in  respect  of  age, 
superior  to  that  of  former  days. 

Then,  again,  in  the  consideration  of  the  foreign 
duties  which  devolve  on  our  forces,  it  is  often  urged 
that  long  service,  at  all  events,  is  best  adapted  to  meet 
Indian  requirements,  on  the  two  grounds  that  young 
soldiers  cannot  stand  tropical  climates  and  that 
frequent  reliefs  are  costly.  Neither  of  these  views 
will  bear  the  test  of  examination.  The  report  of 
the  sanitary  condition  of  the  army  in  India  said 
that  '  upon  the  whole,  early  entry  into  India  ap- 
pears to  be  an  advantage,  not  only  at  first,  but  in 
after  life.' 2  At  a  subsequent  period,  Sir  Eanald 
Martin  stated  that  '  all  statistical  observations  go  to 
disprove  anything  like  acclimatisation  in  the  East 

1  Annual  Army  Returns,  1880  and  1894. 

2  Sanitary  Condition  of  the  Army  in  India,  1863,  p.  xxxi. 


262         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1870 

Indies.'  On  the  contrary,  he  declares  that  *  disease 
and  death  increase  with  length  of  service  and  age/ 
Dr.  Brydon  also  said  :  '  The  death-rate  of  1871  shows 
that  the  death-rate  for  the  men  above  thirty  has 
been  consistently  double  that  of  men  below  that 
age.' 

Lord  Airey's  Commission  of  1880  1  quoted  figures 
proving  that  the  proportion  of  deaths,  and  of  invalids 
sent  home,  increases  in  a  rapid  ratio  with  age.  For 
instance,  the  number  of  deaths  and  invalids  per  1,000 
men  on  the  average  of  ten  years  is — 

Deaths  Invalids 

Under  25  years  old        ....        16-06  25-84 

Over  35  and  under  40    .        .        .        .        33'71  76-11 

The  above  figures  indicate  that  men  should  be 
sent  to  India  young,  and  not  be  kept  there  beyond  a 
few  years.  If  men,  whose  service  in  India  is  pro- 
longed, die  twice  as  fast  after  thirty  as  they  do  when 
under  that  age,  it  is  evident  that,  as  they  must  be 
replaced  by  drafts  from  home,  even  from  a  financial 
point  of  view  such  a  system  is  not  to  be  commended. 
So  far  from  a  short  period  not  being  adapted  for 
India,  it  is  the  only  one  which  ought  to  be  allowed, 
on  grounds  alike  of  humanity,  efficiency,  and  eco- 
nomy. 

There  still  remain  a  few  other  points,  regarding 
the  men  serving  in  the  present  day,  which  are 

1  Lord  Airey'a  Committee  of  1880,  p.  19. 


1870  THE   MARRIAGE   QUESTION  263 

worthy  of  notice.  The  effects  of  the  Education  Act 
of  1870  have  been  very  marked  on  the  Army.  For 
instance,  the  proportion  of  men  in  the  ranks  of  what 
is  termed  '  superior  education'  was  in  1861  74  per 
thousand,  whereas  in  1889  it  had  risen  to  854.1 
Again,  as  regards  crime,  in  1868 2  the  proportion  of 
courts-martial  per  thousand  was  144,  whereas  in  1892 
it  was  only  54. 

Desertions  also  are  steadily  decreasing.  In  1858 3 
upwards  of  20,000  men  disappeared.  In  1874  the 
net  loss  from  desertion  per  thousand  was  20.  In 
1893  it  was  12.4  Finally,  there  remains  one  more 
subject  regarding  the  men  in  the  army  on  which  I 
would  say  a  few  words,  and  that  is  the  marriage  ques- 
tion. So  long  as  a  system  of  long  service  prevailed, 
a  married  establishment  of  only  7  per  cent,  was 
recognised  by  the  Government.  The  virtual  result 
was,  that  the  great  majority  of  men  serving  year 
after  year  were  not  allowed  to  marry ;  and  this 
state  of  affairs  was  neither  natural  nor  desirable, 
tending  also  to  render  military  service  unpopular. 
Under  the  present  system,  as  the  great  majority  of  the 
men  only  remain  for  a  few  years  in  the  ranks,  they 
are  for  the  most  part  single,  and  on  return  to  civil 
life  can  marry  at  will. 

1  Army  Annual  Returns,  1881  and  1893. 

2  Army  Annual  Returns,  1880  and  1894. 
*  Recruiting  Commission  of  1861,  p.  iii. 
4  Annual  Army  Return  of  1894. 


264         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1870 

The  foregoing  remarks  will,  I  hope,  be  of  some 
interest  in  indicating  the  beneficial  effect  of  the  changes 
introduced  as  regards  service  in  the  army  by  the 
late  Lord  Car  dwell,  when  Minister  for  War  in  1870. 
The  men  who  now  enter  the  ranks  are  probably  of 
much  the  same  class  as  formerly,  but  they  serve  under 
improved  conditions ;  and  whilst  I  believe  that  they 
retain  all  the  enterprise  and  courage  of  those  who 
preceded  them,  they  are  undoubtedly  far  better  edu- 
cated, and  therefore  to  some  extent  require  more  dis- 
crimination in  their  treatment  than  formerly  pre- 
vailed. 


26^ 


CHAPTEE  XXIV 

LOCALISATION   AND   COUNTY   EEGIMENTS.  —  INTEEVIEW 
WITH   THE   EMPEEOE   NAPOLEON    III. 


important  measure  introduced  during  the 
administration  of  the  late  Lord  Cardwell  was  that 
of  localisation.  In  the  old  days,  when  the  infantry 
regiments  were  scattered  all  over  the  world,  and  for 
the  most  part  consisted  of  single  battalions,  it  had 
been  the  custom,  on  their  proceeding  abroad,  to  leave 
behind  a  small  depot,  which  was  constantly  moved 
about  in  the  United  Kingdom  and  obtained  recruits 
as  best  it  could,  without  regard  to  local  ties  or 
associations  ;  so  that,  although  many  of  the  older 
regiments  bore  county  titles,  which  had  been  given 
them  so  long  ago  as  1782  by  King  George  the 
Third,  in  reality  men  of  the  various  counties  and 
nationalities  served  together  indiscriminately.  Field 
Marshal  Conway,  who  was  Commander-in-Chief  at  the 
time  in  question,  specially  stated  that  the  object  of  the 
King  was  '  to  create  a  mutual  attachment  between 
the  county  and  the  regiment,  which  may  at  all  times 
be  useful  towards  recruiting.' 


266         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1871 

The  scheme,  however,  for  all  practical  purposes 
had  no  force  or  reality  until  1871.  Lord  Cardwell 
first  of  all  established  fixed  depots  in  the  counties, 
each  representing  two  battalions ;  and  thus  not  only 
engendered  local  ties,  but  also  brought  the  regular 
army  into  permanent  association  with  the  militia  and 
volunteers.  In  his  speech  in  the  House  of  Commons 
in  February  1871  he  emphasised  the  desirability  of 
combining  our  military  institutions.  He  said : 
'  There  is  the  standing  army,  with  its  historical  asso- 
ciation and  glorious  memories,  and  having  a  larger 
amount  of  foreign  service  than  any  other  army  in  the 
world  ;  there  is  the  militia,  whose  theory  is  conscrip- 
tion, but  whose  practice  is  voluntary  enlistment ;  and 
then  there  are  the  volunteers,  who  have  most  of  the 
attributes  of  military  life,  and  all  the  independence  of 
the  most  perfect  civil  freedom.  To  combine  these 
different  institutions  in  one  complete  whole  is,  as  I 
believe,  the  desire  of  the  House  of  Commons  and  of 
the  English  nation.'  He  quoted  Mr.  Pitt,  who  in  1803 
spoke  as  follows :  '  I  am  of  opinion  that  to  a  regular 
army  alone,  however  superior,  however  excellent,  we 
ought  not  solely  to  trust ;  but  that  in  a  moment  so 
eventful  we  ought  to  super-add  to  the  regular  army 
some  permanent  system  of  national  defence.  .  .  . 
The  army  must  be  the  rallying  point ;  the  army  must 
furnish  example,  must  furnish  instruction,  must 
give  us  the  principles  on  which  that  national  system 


1871  THE   LINE  AND   THE   MILITIA  267 

of  defence  must  be  formed ;  and  by  which  the  volun- 
tary forces  of  this  country,  though  in  a  military  view 
inferior  to  a  regular  army,  would,  fighting  on  their  own 
soil,  for  everything  dear  to  individuals  and  important 
to  a  State,  be  invincible.' 

These  quotations  will,  I  think,  give  a  general 
idea  of  the  views  which  were  uppermost  in  the  mind 
of  the  Minister  for  War  when  he  gave  vitality  to  the 
principle  of  localisation.  The  change,  like  many 
others,  was  criticised  and  somewhat  retarded,  and 
was  not  brought  into  full  maturity  until  several  years 
afterwards.  In  1877  a  committee  on  the  militia,  of 
which  Colonel  Stanley  l  was  chairman,  however,  gave 
the  subject  a  fresh  impetus.  In  their  report  they 
spoke  strongly  of  the  advantage  of  unity  between  the 
line  and  the  militia,  and  said  :  '  We  have  no  hesita- 
tion in  replying  that  they  should  be  constituent  parts 
of  one  body.  .  .  .  We  consider  that  this  is  best  to  be 
effected  by  their  being  treated  as  one  regiment,  such 
regiment  bearing  a  territorial  designation;  the  line 
battalions  being  the  first  and  second,  the  militia  the 
third  and  fourth,  of  such  territorial  regiment,  the 
depot  being  common  to  all.'  There  was  still  hesita- 
tion and  delay,  but  on  Mr.  Childers  becoming 
Minister  for  War  in  1880  the  recommendations  of 
Colonel  Stanley's  committee  were  adopted,  and  are 
now  in  full  force ;  and  the  beneficial  results  are 

1  Now  Earl  of  Derby. 


268         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1871 

becoming  more  apparent  year  by  year.  For  instance, 
General  Sir  Edward  Bulwer,  in  his  report  on  recruiting 
in  1887,1  stated  '  that  the  number  of  men  in  infantry 
regiments,  who  were  born  in  the  district  to  which  the 
regiment  belongs,  increases  every  year.'  He  also 
mentions,  that  upwards  of  14,000  militiamen  trans- 
ferred their  service  to  the  regular  army  in  the  pre- 
ceding twelve  months.  The  most  recent  Committee 
on  Army  Service,  that  of  Lord  Wantage  of  1892, 
speaks  plainly  on  the  subject.  It  says  '  the  evidence 
as  to  the  value  of  the  territorial  connection  is  over- 
whelming ; '  and  added,  that  the  double  battalion 
system  is  the  most  economical  and  best  machinery 
for  furnishing  foreign  drafts  and  reliefs.2 

I  might  go  on  to  allude  to  other  measures  con- 
nected with  the  army  and  its  administration  which 
were  introduced  by  Lord  Cardwell — to  the  vigour 
and  influence  which  he  imparted  to  the  Intelligence 
Department,  to  the  doubling  the  Field  Artillery  at 
home,  to  the  rank  of  field  officer  given  to  captains  of 
batteries,  and  so  on — but  it  is  perhaps  hardly  neces- 
sary. Lord  Cardwell  did  not  live  to  witness  the  re- 
sults of  some  of  his  measures ;  but  there  was  hardly 
a  branch  of  the  army  which  did  not  feel  the  benefit 
of  his  wise  and  far-seeing  administration.3 

1  Eeport  of  Inspector- General  of  Becruiting,  1887. 
9  Report  of  Lord  Wantage's  Committee,  pp.  11  and  18. 
3  An  important  reform  carried  out  by  Lord  Cardwell  was  that  of 
the  abolition  of  purchase ;  but   I   do  not  propose  to  enter  into  the 


1872 


LETTER  FROM  NAPOLEON 


269 


In  May  1872  I  had  an  interesting  interview  with 
the  late  Emperor  Napoleon  HI.  at  Chislehurst,  only  a 
few  months  before  his  death.  During  his  career,  he 
had  always  shown  great  interest  in  artillery  ques- 
tions, and  had  published  works  on  the  subject.1  In 
May  he  expressed  a  wish  to  see  me,  being  desirous 
of  discussing  a  plan  for  checking  the  recoil  of  guns, 
by  means  of  water  compressed  within  the  bore. 
The  nature  of  his  proposal  is  contained  in  the  fol- 
lowing letter. 

Camden  Place,  Chislehurst :  Mai  1872. 

'  Mon  cher  General, — II  y  aurait  une  experience 
d'artillerie,  assez  interessant  a  faire,  et  qui,  si  elle 
reussissait,  pourrait  diminuer  le  recul  des  grosses 
bouches  a  feu.  II  s'agirait  comme  dans  le  dessin  ci- 


Copy  of  Sketch  by  Napoleon  III. 

joint  de  prendre  un  ancien  canon,  de  forer  au  point 
A  un  trou  d'un  certain  diametre,  de  forer  a  un  point 
B  une  lumiere  pour  mettre  le  feu.  La  partie  0  pres 

question,  as  it  had  been  virtually  decided  before  I  entered  the  War 
Office. 

1  One  of  his  works  is  entitled  A  New  System  of  Field  Artillery, 
by  Louis  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  1854. 


270        RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1872 

de  la  culasse  serait  remplie  d'eau.  On  mettrait 
auparavant  a  K  une  rondelle  a  gutta-perka  pour 
separer  la  poudre  de  1'eau,  et  en  cliargeant  le  canon 
comme  a  1'ordinaire. 

'  En  mettant  le  feu,  h  la  charge,  1'eau  jaillirait  en 
dehors  par  1'orifice  A,  et  la  force  employee  pour  re- 
jeter  1'eau  en  dehors  du  canon  diminuerait  d'autant 
le  recul.  Je  ne  pretends  pas  que  ce  systeme  soit  tres 
pratique,  mais  il  serait  neanmoins  assez  interessant 
de  1'essayer.  Je  vous  confie  cette  idee  pour  que  vous 
en  fassiez  1'usage  que  vous  croirez  convenable.  Je 
vous  renouvelle,  General,  1'assurance  de  mes  senti- 
ments d'amide". 

'  NAPOLEON. 

'  La  question  serait  de  savoir  quelle  est  la  quan- 
tite  d'eau  qu'il  faudrait  introduire  dans  le  canon,  et 
quel  diametre  il  faudrait  donner  a  1'orifice.' 

During  the  interview,  which  lasted  about  half-an- 
hour,  we  were  quite  alone ;  and  he  made  some  pen- 
and-ink  sketches,  which  he  gave  me,  to  illustrate  his 
views.  The  proposal  was  ingenious,  although  it  would 
probably  be  difficult  to  apply  it  in  the  field. 

The  Emperor  also  referred  shortly  to  one  or  two 
incidents  of  the  great  war  of  1870,  especially  as  to 
the  employment  of  mitrailleurs  ;  and  I  ventured  to 
point  out  that,  although  of  use  against  savage  races, 
they  had  not,  in  my  opinion,  much  future  in  a  cam- 


1872  MITRAILLEURS  271 

paign  against  a  modern  army ;  as,  although  effica- 
cious for  short  distances,  they  were  of  limited  range 
and  power,  having  neither  shattering  nor  incendiary 
force,  as  compared  to  artillery,  whilst  they  would  add 
considerably  to  the  impedimenta  of  troops  in  the 
field.  I  was  particularly  struck  by  the  quiet  unimpas- 
sioned  way  in  which  he  alluded  to  the  past ;  and  he 
certainly  appeared  to  bear  his  great  reverses  with 
fortitude  and  calm  resignation.  When  the  interview 
ended,  I  left  with  him  at  his  request,  a  small  pam- 
phlet on  rifled  ordnance  ;  and  on  returning  it  he  sent 
me  the  following  note : 

Camden  Place,  Chislehurst :  le  8  Mai,  1872. 

1  Je  vous  renvoie,  General,  avec  mes  remerciments, 
la  brochure  que  vous  avez  bien  voulu  me  preter,  et 
je  vous  prie  de  recevoir  1'assurance  de  mes  sentiments 
distingues. 

NAPOLEON.' 

Monsieur  le  General  Adye,  Woolwich. 

Subsequently,  Her  Majesty  the  Empress  Eugenie 
was  kind  enough  to  present  me  with  the  Emperor's 
work,  '  Organisation  Militaire,'  dated '  Wilhelmshoehe, 
1871,'  with  her  name  inscribed  upon  it. 

It  so  happened  that  a  few  months  before  seeing 
the  Emperor  Napoleon  I  had  had  an  opportunity  of 
discussing  the  subject  of  mitrailleurs  with  General 
von  Blumenthal,  who  had  been  chief  of  the  staff  to 


272         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1872 

the  Crown  Prince  of  Germany  during  the  war ;  and 
his  views  agreed  with  those  I  have  just  expressed. 
He  said  that  the  German  soldiers  at  the  outset  were 
considerably  impressed  with  the  numerous  batteries 
of  mitrailleurs  with  which  the  French  began  the 
campaign  of  1870 ;  but  they  soon  found  out  that 
their  range  was  limited,  and  that  by  concentrating 
the  distant  fire  of  field  guns  upon  them  the 
mitrailleurs  could  not  hold  their  ground,  but  were 
driven  off  the  field.  Prince  Frederick  Charles  said 
'  that  for  near  ranges  he  would  rather  have  ten  good 
riflemen  ;  for  far  ranges  a  field  gun.' 


273 


CHAPTEE  XXV 

VISIT   TO   THE    CEIMEA   WITH   CHARLES   GOEDON. 
EEPORT   ON   THE    CEMETERIES 


autumn  of  1872  I  was  sent  by  the  Government 
to  the  Crimea,  to  report  on  the  condition  of  the 
British  cemeteries  and  monuments,  and  also  as  to  their 
restoration  and  care  for  the  future.  Colonel  Charles 
Gordon  (of  Khartoum),  an  old  friend  of  mine,  was 
associated  with  me  in  the  work.  He  was  at  that 
time  a  member  of  the  International  Commission  for 
improving  the  navigation  at  the  mouth  of  the  Danube. 
Travelling  rapidly  through  Europe,  I  met  him  at 
Galatz  at  the  end  of  August  ;  and  we  embarked  on 
board  H.M.S.  '  Antelope,'  which  had  been  sent  from 
Constantinople  to  convey  us  across  the  Black  Sea. 
Gordon's  views  about  the  work  of  the  Danube  Com- 
mission were,  as  usual,  rather  peculiar.  He  explained 
to  me  that,  as  the  river  had  been  adequately  dredged 
and  buoyed,  and  as  the  lighthouse  at  its  mouth  was 
completed,  there  was  really  nothing  more  to  do  ;  and 
that  the  Commission  was  practically  useless.  As  I 
understood,  he  had  written  to  the  Foreign  Office  to- 

T 


274         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1872 

that  effect,  adding  also  that  his  salary  was  too  large. 
In  the  ordinary  concerns  of  life  he  was  actuated  by 
one  principle  which  is  rare — namely,  a  contempt  for 
the  accumulation  of  money.  In  fact,  he  gave  it  away 
almost  as  fast  as  he  received  it.  His  experience  in 
Eastern  countries,  also,  had  given  him  a  distrust  of 
pashas  and  men  in  high  places ;  and  all  his  sympa- 
thies were  for  the  poor  and  friendless.  Soon  after 
our  visit  to  the  Crimea  he  was  appointed  Governor- 
General  of  the  Soudan,  and  it  is  said  that  at  an  inter- 
view with  Ismail  Pasha  before  starting  for  Khar- 
toum he  objected  to  the  large  amount  of  his  salary, 
as  being  more  than  necessary  ;  and  when  he  left,  the 
Khedive  remarked :  c  What  an  extraordinary  English- 
man !  He  doesn't  want  money  ! ' 

On  leaving  Galatz,  we  went  first  of  all  to  Odessa, 
to  call  on  General  Kotzebue,  the  Governor-General  of 
Southern  Eussia,  who,  however,  was  unfortunately 
absent ;  but  we  had  an  opportunity  of  meeting,  and 
of  receiving  assistance  from  him  later  on.  Indeed, 
during  the  whole  of  our  visit  to  the  Crimea,  every 
attention  was  paid  to  us  by  the  authorities  ;  and  two 
Eussian  officers  were  specially  detailed  to  accompany 
and  assist  us  in  our  investigations.  We  arrived  at 
Sebastopol  on  August  29,  and  found  the  city  in 
ruins,  and  almost  exactly  in  the  same  condition  as 
when  the  allied  armies  had  left  it  seventeen  years 
before.  The  churches,  barracks,  theatres,  and  store- 


1872  THE   CRIMEA  275 

houses  were  all  roofless ;  and  the  Malakoff,  Eedan, 
and  other  defences  mere  crumbling  earthworks.  All 
was  so  quiet  and  still,  and  such  a  contrast  to  the 
stirring  times  of  the  years  gone  by,  in  the  hardships 
and  vicissitudes  of  which  Gordon  and  myself  had 
shared.  We  seemed  to  know  every  inch  of  the 
ground,  and  for  many  days  wandered  about,  taking 
notes  of  the  various  cemeteries,  great  and  small, 
scattered  over  the  country. 

^  Although  comparatively  few  officers  and  men 
remain  of  all  those  who  took  part  in  the  great 
Crimean  war  of  forty  years  ago,  its  reminiscences 
will  still,  no  doubt,  be  of  interest  to  many  in  the 
present  day ;  and  I  will  therefore  quote  some  extracts 
from  the  report  made  by  Gordon  and  myself  on  our 
return  home : l  '  From  the  day  of  our  arrival  until 
September  9,  we  were  engaged  many  hours  each 
day  in  making  a  careful  inspection  of  every  cemetery 
and  memorial  of  the  British  Army  in  the  vicinity  of 
Sebastopol.'  '  It  will  be  remembered  that  after  the 
battle  of  the  Alma  the  Allies  marched  on  Sebas- 
topol, and  in  consequence  of  their  long  detention 
before  that  city  the  great  body  of  the  British  Army 
did  not  move  again  during  the  war,  but  remained 
encamped  on  the  plateau  on  the  south  side  ;  conse- 
quently, with  the  exception  of  a  few  monuments  at 
the  Alma  and  at  Kertch,  the  whole  of  the  cemeteries, 

1  Report  on  the  Crimean  Cemeteries,  December  1872. 


2/6         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1872 

one  hundred  and  thirty  in  number,  are  to  be  found 
on  the  ground  which  extends  from  Sebastopol  to 
Balaclava,  and  from  Kamiesch  to  the  Tchernaya.' 
'  The  cemeteries  vary  much  both  in  their  position  and 
size.  Some  are  in  the  rocky  ravines  leading  down  to 
the  trenches,  whilst  others  are  on  the  hills  and  downs 
which  surround  Balaclava.  Some  lie  in  the  sheltered 
valleys  about  Kadikoi  and  Karani ;  but  by  far  the 
greater  number  extend  along  the  bare  plateau  in 
front  of  the  city,  upon  which  the  army  so  long  re- 
mained encamped  ;  and  pre-eminent  among  them  is 
that  on  Cathcart's  Hill,  distinguished  alike  by  its 
commanding  central  position  and  by  the  numerous 
monuments  it  contains,  many  of  them  to  officers  of 
high  rank  and  distinction.' 1 

'  The  cemeteries  also  differ  considerably  in  the 
number  of  graves  and  monuments  which  they  rela- 
tively contain.  Some  are  large,  with  hundreds  of 
graves,  and  many  inscribed  tablets  and  crosses ; 
others  in  isolated  spots  with  only  a  few.  A  consider- 
able number  contain  no  monuments  whatever.  The 
majority  are  those  to  officers  ;  but  there  are  also  many 
to  soldiers,  and  a  few  to  women,  nurses,  or  the  wives 
of  soldiers.'  '  A  small  proportion  of  the  monuments 
have  been  erected  since  the  termination  of  the  war. 


1  We  found  no  less  than  122  graves  of  English  officers  on  Cath- 
cart's Hill,  including  those  of  Generals  Sir  George  Cathcart,  Fox- 
-Strangwaye,  Goldie,  and  Sir  John  Campbell. 


1872  VISITS   TO   CRIMEAN    CEMETERIES  277 

Some  are  of  marble,  but  as  a  rule  they  are  of  the  soft 
stone  found  upon  the  spot.  They  were  for  the  most 
part  hurriedly  erected  toward  the  end  of  the  cam- 
paign, often  by  unskilful  hands,  without  sufficient 
foundations,  and  with  slightly  cut  inscriptions.  Ori- 
ginally there  were  also  a  considerable  number  of 
wooden  crosses.  Under  these  circumstances,  it  is 
not  surprising  that,  exposed  to  the  vicissitudes  of 
climate,  especially  to  the  rigour  of  Crimean  winters, 
a,  large  number  of  them  have  perished,  and  almost 
all  of  those  remaining  show  signs  of  weather  and 
decay.'  '  The  walls  which  enclose  the  cemeteries 
were  in  the  first  instance  roughly  built,  without 
mortar  or  foundations,  and  of  the  loose  uncut  stones 
in  the  neighbourhood.  Time  and  weather  have 
led  to  their  rapid  decay,  and  the  shepherds  have 
occasionally  hastened  the  destruction  by  making 
entrances  for  their  flocks.'  '  We  endeavoured  to 
visit  every  cemetery  and  memorial  of  which  we  could 
find  a  record  ;  the  total  number  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Sebastopol  and  Balaclava  amounting  to  130.1  The 
farm-house  which  was  so  long  the  head-quarters  of 
the  British  Army  is  well  cared  for,  and  in  good  pre- 
servation ;  and  in  the  room  in  which  Lord  Eaglan 
died  a  marble  slab  has  been  inserted  in  the  wall,  with 


1  To  those  persons  who  had  relations  or  friends  buried  during  the 
Crimean  war,  it  may  be  interesting  to  know  that,  in  the  report  of  1872 
details  are  given  of  all  the  names  found  on  the  various  tombstones. 


278         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1872 

the  following  inscription :  "  In  this  room  died  Field- 
Marshal  Lord  Eaglan,  G.C.B.,  Commander-in-Chief 
of  the  British  Army  in  the  Crimea,  June  28,  1855." 

'  The  circumstances  of  the  French  Army  were 
very  similar  to  our  own,  and  they  had  numerous 
cemeteries  widely  dispersed  from  Kamiesch  to  Baidar. 
Feeling  the  inconvenience  and  difficulty  as  regards 
their  care  and  preservation  which  have  so  long  per- 
plexed ourselves,  they  determined  to  disinter  the 
remains  of  their  officers  and  men,  and  to  remove 
them  to  one  central  spot  near  the  former  French 
head-quarters.  This  arrangement  was  carried  out 
in  1863,  each  cemetery  being  denuded  of  its  dead, 
and  then  abandoned.  About  28,000  bodies  are  said 
to  have  been  removed ;  those  of  the  officers  having 
been  as  far  as  possible  identified.'  .  .  . 

4  Although  a  course  similar  to  that  followed  by 
the  French  has  been  from  time  to  time  advocated, 
with  regard  to  the  remains  of  our  officers  and  men, 
it  does  not  appear  to  Colonel  Gordon  and  myself  that 
any  general  disinterment  or  removal  is  necessary  or 
even  desirable.  Independently  of  the  difficulty,  it 
might  almost  be  called  impossibility,  after  the  lapse 
of  so  many  years,  of  collecting  the  remains  or  of  in 
any  way  identifying  them,  we  believe  that  it  would 
be  repugnant  to  the  feelings  of  the  Army  and  of  the 
British  public  generally  that  any  such  plan  should 
be  attempted.  Our  officers  and  men  were  buried  by 


1872  PRESERVATION   OF   MONUMENTS  279 

their  comrades  on  the  ground  where  they  fell ;  the 
whole  scene  is  sacred  and  historical ;  and  the  remains 
of  the  dead  should  not  be  disturbed.  As  regards  the 
cemeteries  generally,  our  view  is  that  those  which 
contain  no  monuments  should  be  covered  with 
mounds  of  earth  and  turf,  and  that  the  ruined  walls 
should  be  removed.'  .  .  .  '  We  are  of  opinion  that  the 
larger  cemeteries,  which  contain  numerous  memen- 
toes and  tombstones,  should  be  preserved,  a  sub- 
stantial wall  being  built  round  them,  and  that  all 
monuments,  tablets,  and  crosses  should  be  repaired 
and  the  inscriptions  renewed.  The  three  memorial 
obelisks  at  Inkerman,  Balaclava,  and  the  Eedan, 
should  be  protected  by  a  good  wall,  with  a  sub- 
stantial railing.  .  .  .' 

These  extracts  will  probably  suffice  as  a  general 
view  of  the  condition  of  the  British  cemeteries  in  the 
Crimea  at  the  time  of  our  visit,  and  of  the  pro- 
posals for  their  restoration,  which  were  subsequently 
adopted  and  carried  out  by  the  Government.  The 
cost  was  estimated  at  5,000/. 

Leaving  Sebastopol  in  the  c  Antelope,'  we  called 
at  Yalta,  and  had  an  interview  with  General  Kotze- 
bue,  who  was  much  interested  in  our  work,  and 
anxious  that  the  British  memorials  should  be  re- 
spected, at  the  same  time  pointing  out  the  difficulty  of 
adequately  guarding  so  large  a  number.  The  late  Em- 
press of  Eussia  was  at  the  time  residing  at  the  Palace 


280         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1872 

of  Livadia  at  Yalta,  and  sent  us  a  kind  message,  re- 
gretting her  inability  owing  to  illness  to  receive  us, 
and  wishing  us  bon  voyage.  Having  paid  a  short 
visit  to  Kertch  and  Yenikale,  at  the  entrance  of  the 
Sea  of  Azoff,  we  then  returned  to  Constantinople,  and 
were  immediately,  for  some  inscrutable  reason,  placed 
in  quarantine  for  a  week,  although  we  were  all 
perfectly  well. 

As  soon  as  we  were  free,  the  British  Ambassa- 
dor, Sir  Henry  Elliot,  kindly  received  us  for  a  few 
days  at  his  palace  at  Therapia,  on  the  Bosphorus ; 
and  at  his  request,  I  paid  a  visit,  accompanied  by 
an  interpreter,  to  the  Grand  Vizier,  Midhat  Pasha, 
who  was  anxious  to  discuss  the  Turkish  arma- 
ments and  defences.  I  had  previously  inspected 
the  arsenal  and  manufacturing  departments ;  and 
frankly  told  him  that  they  were  in  considerable 
confusion,  and  that  a  great  deal  of  money  had  ap- 
parently been  wasted  in  the  purchase  of  second-rate 
half-obsolete  material,  partly  on  the  Continent  and 
partly  in  America ;  and  that,  in  view  of  the  rapid 
advances  in  the  science  of  artillery,  and  in  small 
arms,  I  advised  prudence  and  economy.  He  listened 
attentively,  and  his  reply  was  '  Pekki,'  which  I  found 
meant  approbation  (literally,  '  Very  good ') ;  and 
went  on  to  say,  that  the  lavish  expenditure  had  been 
incurred  by  his  predecessors,  but  that  he  would  be 
careful.  He  then  alluded  to  the  defence  of  Con- 


1872  MIDHAT   PASHA  281 

stantinople  against  naval  attack  ;  and  I  pointed  out 
that,  considering  the  comparative  narrowness  of  the 
Bosphorus,  it  offered  great  facilities  for  the  employ- 
ment of  ground  torpedoes.  Midhat  Pasha  was  appa- 
rently ignorant  on  the  subject,  so  I  explained  as 
lucidly  as  possible  that  a  torpedo  was  a  case  of 
gunpowder,  which,  placed  at  the  bottom  of  the 
channel,  could  be  exploded  by  electricity  as  the 
enemy's  vessel  passed  over  it ;  and  that  such  defence 
was  simple,  efficient,  and  cheap.  This  gave  him 
much  satisfaction,  and  he  replied,  *  Pekki,  Pekki,' 
with  great  fervour.  I  heard  afterwards  that  he 
had  been  pleased  with  the  interview,  and  especially 
with  my  economical  views.  He  had,  however,  no 
opportunity  of  acting  on  them,  having  been  dismissed 
from  office  almost  immediately  afterwards. 

Having  taken  leave  of  Gordon,  who  returned  to 
his  improvements  on  the  Danube,  I  then  proceeded 
to  Smyrna,  where  a  few  British  tombs  and  me- 
morials of  the  war  existed;  and  on  my  arrival 
called  on  the  British  Consul,  who  lived  in  a  charming 
house  overlooking  the  bay.  On  expressing  my  ad- 
miration of  his  residence,  the  Consul's  wife  ex- 
plained that  there  was  a  difficulty  in  keeping  it  in 
order,  on  account  of  incessant  earthquakes  ;  although 
lately  they  had  been  more  free  from  them.  Hardly 
had  I  returned  to  the  hotel  than  I  heard  a  rumbling 
noise.  Then  the  whole  house  commenced  rocking 


282         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1872 

violently  to  and  fro,  and  it  became  evident  that  the 
overdue  earthquake  had  arrived.  Fortunately  not 
much  damage  was  done. 

During  my  stay  at  Smyrna  I  paid  a  visit  to 
Ephesus,  meeting  Mr.  Wood,  who  had  been  sent  out 
by  the  authorities  of  the  British  Museum,  and  was 
excavating  the  recently  discovered  ruins  of  the  temple 
of  Diana.  My  duties,  however,  required  me  to  re- 
turn home ;  and  travelling  through  France,  I  took 
an  opportunity,  when  at  Paris,  of  sketching  ruins  of 
a  very  different  character — those  of  the  Tuileries, 
on  which  were  inscribed  in  large  letters,  '  Liberte — 
Egalite — Fraternite.' 

On  arriving  in  England  I  was  invited  by  Mr. 
Lowe,  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  to  call  in 
Downing  Street  to  discuss  the  purport  of  my  report. 
The  conversation  began  by  his  inquiring,  somewhat 
abruptly,  whether  I  considered  it  one  of  the  duties 
of  the  British  Government  to  keep  in  repair  the 
cemeteries  and  monuments  of  the  Army  in  all  parts 
of  the  world.  My  reply  was  that  I  had  never  con- 
sidered so  wide  and  interesting  a  question,  but  had 
limited  myself  simply  to  those  in  the  Crimea.  He  at 
once  said,  that  the  report  was  sensible  enough,  in- 
volved no  great  expenditure,  and  should  be  carried 
out ;  and  so  we  amicably  left  the  main  problem 
unsolved. 

Subsequently  I  sent  a  few  copies  of  the  report 


1872  REPORT  ON   CEMETERIES,  ETC.  283 

and  some  photographs  to  those  who  had  assisted  us 
at  Sebastopol ;  and  one  of  the  Eussian  officers  sent 
me  a  reply,  which,  although  not  altogether  perfect  in 
its  English,  is  very  friendly  in  its  tone :  'My  General, — 
I  have  the  honour  to  accept  your  lovely  letter,  with 
the  photographic  of  mitrailleuse,  and  I  your  trans- 
port my  deep  thanksgiving.  I  observe  of  your  letter, 
that  you  forget  not  Sebastopol  and  cemetery,  who  to 
ask  by  repair.  Your  report  of  British  Cemetery  I 
haw  forward  of  General  Kotzebue,  and  if  you  possess 
one  copy,  take  my,'  &c. 


284         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY    LIFE         1873 


RIFLED    ORDNANCE  AND  NAVAL  AND  MILITARY    RESERVES 

APPOINTED    GOVERNOR,    ROYAL     MILITARY   ACADEMY 

THE    BRITISH   ARMY   IN    1875 

ONE  of  the  most  important  and  interesting  subjects 
connected  with  the  Navy  and  Army  of  late  years, 
and  with  the  changes  in  which  I  was  at  one  time 
much  associated,  is  that  of  the  gradual  advance  of 
modern  armaments,  not  only  in  size,  but  in  range, 
power,  and  accuracy.  Until  forty  years  ago  the 
science  of  artillery  had  practically  remained  stagnant 
ever  since  the  time  of  the  Tudors.  Indeed,  it  may 
be  said  that  the  guns  used  during  the  Crimean  War, 
although  less  cumbersome,  were  in  all  essential 
particulars  much  of  the  same  type  as  those  of  the 
days  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  The  introduction,  how- 
ever, of  rifled  small-arms,  and  of  armour-plating  for 
vessels  of  war,  indicated  the  necessity  of  improved 
ordnance ;  and  what  may  almost  be  termed  a  revo- 
lution commenced,  which  has  had  many  vicissi- 
tudes, and  even  now  has  hardly  reached  its  final 
solution. 


1873  RIFLED   BREECH-LOADING   GUNS  285 

It  was  in  1854  that  Lord  Armstrong  first  took 
up  the  subject,  of  which  he  has  ever  since  been 
acknowledged  as  one  of  the  chief  authorities.  He 
has  also  rendered  good  service  in  the  establish- 
ment of  a  manufacturing  arsenal  at  Elswick,  which, 
in  the  event  of  a  great  war,  would  become  of 
national  advantage.  The  first  rifled  breech-loading 
guns  of  his  pattern  were  adopted  in  1859,  and  gave 
results  in  range  and  accuracy  far  beyond  anything 
that  had  hitherto  been  achieved.  They  were  fol- 
lowed by  the  introduction  of  others  of  a  larger 
calibre  ;  and  so  enthusiastic  were  the  navy  and  artil- 
lery, that  many  of  our  vessels  of  war  and  fortresses 
were  speedily  supplied  with  them.  Between  1859 
and  1862,  two  millions  and  a  half  sterling  were  ex- 
pended on  new  armaments. 

Notwithstanding  their  great  success  and  superio- 
rity, however,  they  developed  considerable  defects 
in  regard  to  breech  mechanism ;  and  numerous  acci- 
dents occurred  both  by  sea  and  land,  due  in  a  measure 
to  want  of  skill  in  their  handling.  It  became  evident 
from  experience  in  the  war  in  China  in  1860,  and  in 
Japan  in  1862-3,  that  they  were  somewhat  delicate 
weapons.1 

In  1863  the  Armstrong  and  Whitworth  compe- 
tition took  place,  in  which  both  firms  were  repre- 
sented on  the  committee ;  and  after  lengthened  trials 

1  Treatise  on  Construction  of  Ordnance,  1877. 


286         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1873 

they  reported  l  in  1865  that  the  breech-loading  sys- 
tem was  inferior  for  purposes  of  war  to  that  of 
muzzle-loading,  and  was  more  expensive.  Other 
experiments  followed,  leading  to  a  similar  conclusion, 
and  as  a  consequence  the  latter  was  adopted,  and  con- 
tinued in  force  for  many  years  ;  the  guns  rising  rapidly 
in  size  and  in  weight  from  five  up  to  one  hundred 
tons.  In  1867  a  committee  of  thirteen  artillery  offi- 
cers, under  the  late  Field-Marshal  Sir  Eichard  Dacres, 
inquired  into  the  subject  as  regards  field  guns,  and 
reported  unanimously  in  favour  of  muzzle-loaders. 
In  1868  the  Admiralty  were  asked  whether  they 
wished  the  subject  re-opened  as  regards  naval  guns, 
but  they  declined. 

Having  served  in  India  from  1857  to  1866,  I 
had,  of  course,  no  practical  knowledge  of  the  earlier 
stages  of  this  difficult  and  much-debated  subject ; 
but  on  becoming  Director  of  Artillery  in  1870,  I 
found  that  the  two  services  were  in  practical 
unanimity  as  to  the  advantages  of  the  rifled 
muzzle-loading  system — that  it  was  simpler,  better 
adapted  for  war,  and  cheaper  than  the  other.  In 
1871  the  Admiralty  were  again  consulted  on  the 
question,  but  with  the  same  result  as  before.  In 
that  year,  a  German  9-pounder  breech-loading  field 
gun  was  obtained  for  comparison  with  our  own ; 
and  after  a  long  series  of  trials  the  committee  re- 

1  Textbook  on  Rifled  Ordnance,  1872. 


1874  SUPERIORITY   OF  ENGLISH   GUNS  287 

ported  that  the  English  gun  was  superior,  not  only 
in  simplicity,  but  in  range  and  power,  and  in  rapidity 
of  fire.1  It  was  also  known  that  during  the  great 
war  of  1870  upwards  of  two  hundred  German  guns 
had  become  unserviceable.  All  experience,  therefore, 
appeared  at  the  time  to  point  in  one  direction ;  but 
a  change  gradually  arose,  the  causes  of  which  were 
partly  scientific,  partly  mechanical. 

Whilst  the  attention  of  experts  was  engaged  in 
the  effort  to  produce  the  best  gun,  it  ultimately 
proved  that  the  real  solution  rested  not  so  much 
with  the  weapon  as  with  the  motive  power  which 
gives  life  and  force  to  the  projectile.  The  question 
of  gunpowder  had  until  about  1870  remained  much 
in  the  same  stagnant,  neglected  condition  as  that  of 
ordnance.  Long  and  careful  researches  were,  how- 
ever, carried  out  at  that  time,  chiefly  by  Sir  Andrew 
Noble  and  Sir  Frederick  Abel,  which  led  to  the 
introduction  of  a  comparatively  mild  and  slow-burn- 
ing explosive,  and  finally  determined  the  system  of 
gun-construction.  In  the  first  place,  owing  to  its 
gradual  combustion,  the  excessive  strain  on  the 
breech  mechanism  was  much  diminished  ;  and  further, 
as  an  improved  system  of  closing  had  been  adopted, 
the  difficulties,  and  the  accidents  at  critical  moments, 
which  had  been  so  perplexing,  were  in  a  great 
measure  at  an  end.  That  was  one  important  result ; 

1  Treatise  on  Construction  of  Ordnance,  1877. 


288         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1874 

but  there  was  a  second.  As  the  explosion  was  no 
longer  instantaneous,  but  comparatively  gradual,  it 
followed  that  larger  charges  could  be  employed,  and 
in  order  to  utilise  them  greater  length  of  bore  be- 
came necessary,  as,  within  limits,  the  longer  the  gun 
the  greater  the  initial  velocity  and  consequent  range 
and  power. 

These  altered  conditions  were  manifestly  both  in 
favour  of  breech-loading,  not  so  much  as  a  matter  of 
principle,  but  of  convenience.  Sir  Andrew  Noble,  in 
writing  to  me  on  the  subject  in  1875,  said :  *  As 
regards  the  effects  to  be  produced  from  a  gun,  pre- 
cisely the  same  results  can  be  attained,  whether  it  be 
made  in  the  form  of  a  muzzle  or  a  breech-loader. 
There  is  no  magic,  as  many  seem  to  imagine,  in 
one  form  or  the  other.  ...  As  regards  convenience 
in  using,  there  may  be,  and  undoubtedly  are,  differ- 
ences.' Between  1875  and  1880  experiments  were 
somewhat  slowly  carried  out,  with  a  view  to  re-intro- 
ducing breech-loading.  Having  been  appointed  Sur- 
veyor-General of  the  Ordnance  in  the  latter  j^ear, 
I  advised  that  the  experiments  should  be  pushed 
on  vigorously,  and  on  a  larger  scale.  The  adop- 
tion of  steel,  to  the  exclusion  of  wrought  iron,  in  the 
construction  of  guns,  was  another  important  change 
about  to  take  place ;  and,  with  a  view  to  a  full 
consideration  of  these  great  questions,  Mr.  Childers 
in  1881  re-established  a  permanent  Ordnance  Com- 


1874  IMPROVEMENTS    IN   ORDNANCE  289 

mittee,  which  for  some  reason  had  been  abolished  in 
1867.  The  main  principles  thus  established,  the 
naval  and  military  armaments  have  since  proceeded 
uninterruptedly.  Many  improvements,  especially  as 
regards  quick  firing,  have  recently  been  introduced; 
and  we  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  they  are  fully 
equal  in  all  respects  to  those  of  any  other  nation. 

That  this  subject  has  been  a  difficult  and  an 
anxious  one  is  evident.  Lord  Armstrong,  in  his 
address  to  the  Civil  Engineers  in  1882,  said :  '  All 
breech-loading  mechanism  is  of  a  nature  to  require 
very  accurate  fittings,  and  require  care  both  in  use 
and  for  preservation.'  Again,  in  a  work  published 
as  late  as  1893  by  Commander  Lloyd,  E.N.,  and  Mr. 
A.  Hadcock,  late  E.A.,  of  the  Elswick  establishment, 
they  say  '  that  it  has  taken  all  the  ingenuity,  backed 
by  all  the  mechanical  resources  of  the  present  day,  to 
obtain  a  satisfactory  breech-loading  arrangement.'1 
The  whole  question  is  extremely  technical ;  but  I 
have  endeavoured  to  give  an  outline  of  its  broad 
characteristics ;  and  it  is  evident  that  the  considera- 
tion of  so  vital  a  question  requires  a  permanent 
committee  of  naval  and  artillery  officers,  and  of 
scientific  civil  engineers ;  we  may  then  feel  confi- 
dence that  the  requirements  of  the  two  services  will 
be  adequately  dealt  with. 

1  Artillery,  its  Progress  and  Present  Position,  1893.     By  Com- 
mander Lloyd,  E.N.,  and  A.  C.  Hadcock,  late  R.A. 

U 


2QO         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1874 

Even  the  placid  and  scientific  temperament  of  an 
Ordnance  Committee  may,  however,  occasionally  be 
subject  to  a  severe  strain.  Many  years  ago,  a  pro- 
posal was  submitted  by  some  inventor  that  a  small 
gun,  strapped  broadside  across  a  horse's  back,  and 
fired  from  that  position,  would  be  useful,  especially 
in  mountain  campaigns.  The  experiment  was  made 
in  the  Arsenal  at  Woolwich,  the  horse's  head  being 
tied  to  a  post,  with  the  muzzle  of  the  gun  pointed  to 
an  old  earthen  butt ;  the  Committee  standing  on  the 
other  side  of  the  horse  to  watch  the  result.  The 
gun  was  loaded,  and,  in  order  to  give  time,  a  slow- 
burning  fuse  was  used  to  fire  it.  The  Committee, 
however,  in  tying  the  animal's  head,  had  omitted  to 
take  the  precaution  of  also  making  fast  its  tail.  The 
first  result  was  that,  when  the  horse  heard  the 
fizzing  of  the  fuse  on  its  back,  it  became  uneasy  and 
walked  round  the  post,  so  that  the  gun,  instead  of 
pointing  at  the  butt,  was  thus  directed  straight  at  the 
heads  of  the  Committee.  Not  a  moment  was  to  be 
lost ;  down  went  the  chairman  and  members,  lying 
flat  and  low  on  their  stomachs.  The  gun  went  off; 
the  shot  passed  over  the  town  of  Woolwich,  and  fell 
in  the  Dockyard ;  the  horse  being  found  lying  on 
its  back  several  yards  away.  The  Committee  were 
fortunately  unhurt,  and  gradually  recovered  their 
equilibrium,  but  reported  unanimously  against  any 
further  trial. 


1874  ARMAMENTS   AND    RESERVES  291 

Armaments  and  Reserves. — Amongst  the  many 
subjects  which  constantly  occupy  the  attention  of 
the  War  Department  is  the  provision  of  adequate 
reserves  of  armaments,  small  arms,  gunpowder,  ac- 
coutrements, camp  equipage,  harness,  clothing,  and 
the  numerous  Engineer,  medical,  and  commissariat 
stores  which  have  to  be  maintained  in  readiness  for 
war,  not  only  in  the  United  Kingdom,  but  at  our 
stations  in  various  parts  of  the  world.  The  great 
majority  of  these  reserves  are  required  for  both  the 
fighting  services ;  and  until  recently  have  been  pro- 
vided and  cared  for  by  the  War  Office,  acting  in 
co-operation  with  the  Admiralty.  The  subject  is  not 
only  complex,  but  very  little  is  known  by  the  public 
as  to  its  administration  and  cost.  Formerly,  the 
provision  of  these  costly  armaments  and  stores  rested 
with  the  Ordnance  Department ;  and,  as  the  succes- 
sive Master  Generals  were  men  of  the  highest  dis- 
tinction and  experience  in  war,  the  country  had  a 
guarantee  that  the  national  requirements  would  be 
duly  considered  and  maintained.  As  the  Duke  of 
Wellington  wrote  in  1843,  'the  Ordnance  Depart- 
ment and  the  office  of  Master  General  is  constituted 
for  the  service  of  the  Navy  as  well  as  that  of  the 
Army.' 

It  is  not  necessary,  nor  indeed  would  it  be 
proper,  to  give  details  of  the  amount  of  these  various 
reserves,  which,  of  course,  have  been  modified  and 

TT  2 


2Q2         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1874 

increased  from  time  to  time  according  to  circum- 
stances. It  may  be  sufficient  to  say  that  in  1858  l 
their  value  was  reckoned  as  being  upwards  of  eleven 
millions  sterling ;  and  since  that  date  has  un- 
doubtedly risen,  partly  from  the  increased  cost  of 
modern  armaments  and  appliances,  and  partly  from 
the  additional  requirements  of  our  enlarged  empire. 

It  is  sometimes  asserted  that,  owing  to  financial 
pressure,  or  to  false  ideas  of  economy,  the  mainte- 
nance of  these  essential  requisites  for  defence  is  apt 
to  be  starved  and  neglected.  My  experience  does 
not  confirm  this  view.  Having  served  at  the  War 
Office  for  years,  under  three  Ministers  of  War,  states- 
men of  divergent  political  views,  I  have  found  them 
all  of  one  mind  as  to  the  necessary  provision  year  by 
year  of  sufficient  funds  for  the  purpose.  Naturally 
and  properly  they  looked  into  the  details.  The  esti- 
mates are  presented  to  Parliament  annually,  and  no 
reluctance  is  shown  to  vote  the  requisite  supplies. 
Indeed,  there  are  many  influences  in  the  House  of 
Commons  which  rather  tend  the  other  wav — that  is, 

V 

to  extravagance. 

An  unfortunate  change,  however,  was  made  a 
few  years  ago — namely,  in  the  separation  of  the  naval 
and  military  reserves  at  home  and  abroad ;  and 
duplicate  establishments,  storehouses,  and  staff,  now 
exist,  which  are  leading  to  increased  cost,  some  loss 

1  Clode's  Military  Forces  of  the  Crown,  ii.  214. 


1875  DUPLICATE   ESTABLISHMENTS  293 

of  efficiency,  and  eventually  to  diversity  of  patterns. 
As  a  great  naval,  military,  and  colonial  Power,  with 
fleets,  fortresses,  and  depots  all  over  the  world,  it 
seems  apparent  that,  both  in  regard  to  efficiency  and 
economy,  unity  of  system  is  essential.  Not  only  the 
great  Duke  of  Wellington,  but  successive  Master 
Generals  of  Ordnance,  concurred  in  this  view,  and 
agreed  that  the  Ordnance  was  an  efficient  department 
of  the  State,1  and  should  hold  the  reserves  of  both 
ser-vices .  According  to  my  judgment,  we  should 
revert  at  once  to  the  former  arrangements,  and  in- 
deed, should  war  unfortunately  arise,  we  should  in 
all  probability  be  compelled  to  do  so. 

Having  been  appointed  Governor  of  the  Eoyal 
Military  Academy  at  Woolwich  in  July  1875, 1  left 
the  War  Office,  and  did  so  with  much  regret. 
Although,  as  I  have  tried  to  explain,  its  system  of 
administration  is  not  altogether  adapted  to  meet  the 
requirements  of  parliamentary  government,  and 
although  in  some  respects  the  Navy  and  Army  are 
not  in  such  close  association  as  seems  desirable,  still 
these  defects  are  capable  of  remedy,  and,  at  all  events, 
are  in  no  way  attributable  to  the  chiefs  of  the  various 
departments,  military  and  civil,  of  the  War  Office, 
who  are  men  of  the  highest  character  and  experience, 

1  See  Appendix  to  Fifth  Eeport  of  Committee  of  House  of  Commons 
on  Army  and  Navy  Estimates,  1887,  in  which  correspondence  is  quoted 
between  the  Treasury,  War  Office,  and  Admiralty,  confirming  the 
above  views. 


294         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1875 

and  who  carry  out  very  difficult  duties  with  loyalty 
and  success,  even  under  a  somewhat  imperfect 
system. 

During  my  five  years  of  office  as  Director  of 
Artillery,  the  following  sovereigns  and  foreign  princes 
visited  the  manufacturing  departments  of  the  Arsenal : 
the  late  Emperor  Alexander  II.  of  Eussia — the  late 
Emperor  Napoleon  III. — the  late  Emperor  of  Brazil 
— the  late  Grand  Duke  Constantine  of  Eussia — the 
late  Comte  de  Paris — and  the  Shah  of  Persia. 

Some  years  after  the  inspection  of  the  Arsenal 
by  the  Shah  he  paid  a  second  visit  to  England,, 
in  1889,  and  I  had  then  an  interesting  interview 
with  him  at  Lord  Armstrong's  in  Northumberland. 
Having  heard  that  I  had  served  in  India,  the  Shah 
came  up  during  the  evening  and  alluded  to  our 
position  on  the  North- West  Frontier.  It  must  be 
understood  that  the  conversation  was  entirely  through 
a  Persian  interpreter,  the  Shah  knowing  only  a  few 
English  words.  He  discussed  the  subject  in  a  very 
sensible  manner,  and  said  we  should  avoid  entering 
into  war  with  the  Afghans,  and  should  endeavour 
to  keep  on  terms  of  friendship  with  the  Ameer  at 
Cabul ;  to  which  I  cordially  assented. 

Looking  about  the  room,  and  seeing  a  general  officer 
at  some  distance,  he  inquired:  'Who  is  that  great 
man  in  a  red  coat  ? '  I  replied  that  it  was  Sir  Edward 
Blackett,  High  Sheriff  of  the  county.  Perhaps  that 


1875  THE   SHAH  295 

did  not  convey  much  to  his  mind,  so  I  said  to  the 
interpreter  :  '  Tell  the  Shah  that  five  and  thirty  years 
ago,  Sir  Edward  was  in  the  Crimean  war,  and  one 
day  a  shot  came  and  took  off  his  leg/  The  Shah 
threw  up  his  hands  and  was  much  impressed,  but 
presently  the  interpreter  said  that  his  Majesty 
couldn't  understand  it,  as  he  had  two  legs  now. 
1  That  is  quite  correct,'  I  observed ;  '  but  tell  the  Shah 
that  one  of  them  is  made  of  wood.'  His  Majesty  said 
at  once  :  i  I  must  go  and  talk  to  that  great  man.'  He 
went  up  to  Sir  Edward,  and  remarked :  '  You  lost 
your  leg  in  the  Crimea?'  to  which  Blackett  assented. 
1  Ah,'  says  the  Shah,  '  I  remember.  It  was  in  the 
same  battle  that  Lord  Eaglan  lost  his  arm ! ' 

The  late  Emperor  of  Brazil  also  paid  a  second 
visit  to  England,  after  he  was  dethroned,  and  on  one 
occasion  was  shown  a  wheel  by  Lord  Armstrong, 
which  by  some  scientific  arrangement  made  rapid 
revolutions,  and  he  remarked :  '  How  very  interest- 
ing. Its  revolutions  appear  to  me  to  be  quicker  even 
than  those  in  South  America.' 

The  record  of  the  Eoyal  Military  Academy  during 
my  period  of  command  was  like  that  of  a  nation  with- 
out a  history.  As  the  Governor  has  been  invested 
of  late  years  with  adequate  power,  and  is  assisted  by 
a  competent  staff,  civil  and  military,  he  has  only 
himself  to  blame  if  its  administration  is  not  successful. 
The  two  hundred  gentlemen  cadets,  youths  just  rising 


296         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1875 

to  manhood,  no  doubt  require  tact  and  discretion  in 
those  having  authority  over  them ;  but  if  they  are 
treated  with  confidence  and  kindness,  we  may  feel 
assured  that  no  real  difficulties  will  arise.  Indeed, 
during  my  period  of  office,  speaking  generally,  the 
conduct  of  the  cadets  was  admirable  throughout ; 
and  it  is  a  gratification  to  me  to  know  that  many 
of  those  who  were  then  at  the  institution  are  now 
becoming  distinguished  as  officers  of  Artillery  and 
Engineers.  As  regards  education,  the  cadets,  in  my 
opinion,  have  too  many  subjects  imposed  upon  them 
during  their  two  years'  residence  at  Woolwich.  In 
addition  to  following  up  their  previous  studies  in 
mathematics,  French,  and  German,  they  have  to  learn 
artillery,  fortification,  military  surveying,  landscape 
drawing,  chemistry,  military  history,  riding,  gym- 
nastics, and  drills  of  all  kinds.  There  is,  however, 
another  point,  not  due  to  any  defect  in  the  regula- 
tions, which  injuriously  affects  candidates  for  the 
military  colleges — namely,  the  apathy  of  many  of  the 
great  public  schools,  in  not  teaching  the  boys  who 
may  desire  to  follow  a  military  career  the  subjects 
which  are  held  to  be  essential  to  the  profession.  The 
result  is  that  a  large  proportion  of  those  who  go  up 
for  the  competitive  examinations  are  compelled  to 
leave  the  colleges  at  a  critical  period,  and  to  be  hastily 
educated  by  special  teachers.  Unjust  criticisms  are 
often  made  on  what  are  commonly  called  the  '  cram- 


i8;5  MR.   JOHN    HOLMS'    PROPOSALS  297 

mers,'  whilst  the  real  fault  lies  elsewhere ;  and  if 
those  in  authority  at  the  public  schools  would  take 
more  pains  to  have  the  boys  educated  for  the  profes- 
sion in  which  they  are  ultimately  to  serve,  the  army 
and  other  branches  of  the  public  service  would  reap 
the  benefit. 

During  the  year  1875,  the  late  Mr.  John  Holms, 
then  member  of  Parliament  for  Hackney,  constituted 
himself  a  vigorous  critic  of  the  army  reforms  which 
hatl  been  instituted  by  Lord  Cardwell,  and  also  put 
forward  a  distinct  plan  of  his  own  of  military  organi- 
sation. His  view  was  that  we  should  maintain  three 
separate  armies — one  for  home,  a  second  for  the 
Colonies,  and  a  third  for  India — all  recruited  and 
organised  on  different  systems.  It  is  not  necessary 
now  to  discuss  these  proposals ;  but  as  his  criticisms 
at  the  time  attracted  some  attention,  I  was  asked  by 
Lord  Cardwell  in  1876  to  publish  a  short  reply;  and 
as  soon  as  it  was  ready  he  gave  me  a  letter  of  intro- 
duction to  the  late  Mr.  John  Murray,  the  well-known 
publisher  of  Albemarle  Street,  with  a  view  to  his 
bringing  it  out.  When  Mr.  Murray  had  read  Lord 
Cardwell's  note,  he  turned  to  me  and  said :  '  So  you 
wish  to  publish  a  pamphlet — why,  an  archangel 
wouldn't  read  a  pamphlet ! '  My  reply  was  that  we 
were  not  thinking  so  much  at  the  present  moment  of 
archangels,  as  of  members  of  Parliament  and  others, 
who  were  of  quite  a  different  class.  The  argument 


298         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1875 

was  so  conclusive  that  he  published  the  article  in  the 
course  of  a  few  days,  and  it  may,  perhaps,  to  some 
extent  have  accomplished  the  intended  object.1  At 
all  events,  I  received  many  letters  of  approval  of  its 
contents,  and  amongst  others,  the  following  from  my 
old  friend  the  late  Lord  Airey,  who  had  been  Gover- 
nor of  Gibraltar : — 

'  Lowndes  Square,  March  1876. 

'  My  dear  Adye, — You  were  so  kind  as  to  send  me 
and  ask  me  to  read  your  reply  to  Mr.  Holms.  When 
I  was  at  Gibraltar,  Drummond  Hay,  our  Minister  at 
the  Court  of  Morocco,  sent  me  over  the  Grand  Vizier 
and  the  Commander-in- Chief  of  the  Moorish  Army. 
'  They  were  solemn,  silent,  but  not  unobservant 
parties.  Amongst  other  things,  I  showed  them  some 
long-range  seaward  artillery  practice.  When  they 
saw  the  little  flag  shot  down  two  or  three  times,  they 
turned  to  me,  and  simply  said,  "  The  Spaniards  may 
go  to  bed !  "  I  think  Mr.  Holms  may  go  to  bed. 
4  Yours  truly,  my  dear  Adye, 

'ElCHAED  AlEEY.' 

I  also   received   the   following   letter   from   Mr. 
Gladstone  : — 

'  September  1876. 

'  Dear  Sir  John  Adye, — Amidst  a  great  pressure 
and  many  interruptions,  I  have  been  able  to  gather 

1  The  British  Army  in  1875 :  a  Reply  to  Mr.  John  Holms,  M.P. 


1876  LETTER   FROM  MR.   GLADSTONE  299 

very  interesting  information  from  your  valuable 
pamphlet.  For  the  last  three  years  my  attention  to 
current  public  questions  has  been  much  relaxed, 
while  the  work  of  dilapidation  incident  to  an  unre- 
freshed  memory  has  gone  on.  I  do  not  now  recollect 
as  I  ought,  the  precise  terms  of  the  present  contract 
of  the  soldier  with  regard  to  the  three  years,  which  I 
have  been  accustomed  to  regard  as  the  proper  term 
of  short  service.  To  reaching  that  term  for  the 
British  Army,  I  attach  (ignorantly)  a  great  value, 
with  this  idea  among  others,  that  it  will  very  greatly 
popularise  the  service,  besides  its  favourable  bearing 
on  the  question  of  marriage. 

'  It  will  be  a  great  pleasure  as  well  as  advantage 
to  me,  if  I  should  have  an  opportunity  of  resuming 
the  conversation  which  we  began  under  Lord  Sydney's 
hospitable  roof. 

'  Believe  me,  faithfully  yours, 
<W.  E.  GLADSTONE.' 


300 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

CENTRAL   ASIA   AND   THE   AFGHAN   WAR   OF   1878-79 

THE  gradual  advance  of  Eussia,  and  its  conquest  of 
the  ancient  principalities  of  Central  Asia  during  the 
present  century,  have  from  time  to  time  formed  sub- 
jects of  great  interest  to  the  people  of  this  country, 
chiefly  on  account  of  the  possible  effect  of  the  Russian 
.approach  to  the  borders  of  our  Indian  empire ;  and, 
having  studied  the  question  for  many  years,  I  pro- 
pose to  give  a  short  summary  of  its  rise,  progress, 
and  present  position,  more  especially  from  a  military 
point  of  view.  At  the  beginning  of  the  century,  the 
southern  boundary  of  Russia  extended  from  the  north 
of  the  Caspian  by  Orenburg  and  Orsk,  and  then 
across  to  the  old  Mongolian  city  of  Semipalatinsk, 
and  was  guarded  by  a  cordon  of  forts  and  Cossack 
outposts.  This  line  was  no  less  than  2,000  miles  in 
length,  and  abutted  on  the  great  Kirghis  steppe,  and 
to  a  certain  extent  controlled  the  tribes  pasturing  in 
its  vicinity,  but  by  no  means  established  the  hold  of 
Russia  on  that  pathless,  and  for  the  most  part  lifeless 
waste.  Nevertheless,  even  in  those  early  days,  we 


1878  RUSSIA   IN    CENTRAL  ASIA  301 

experienced  occasional  alarms  from  imaginary  inva- 
sions of  our  Eastern  possessions.  In  1801  we  were 
threatened  with  a  joint  attack  of  the  French,  Persian, 
and  Afghan  armies;  but  finally  we  made  a  treaty 
with  the  Shah,  in  which  it  was  stipulated  that c  should 
an  army  of  the  French  nation,  actuated  by  design 
and  deceit,'  attempt  to  establish  themselves  in  Persia, 
a  conjoint  force  of  English  and  Persians  should  be 
appointed  to  put  an  end  to  them. 

^In  1808,  another  great  expedition  against  the 
East  India  Company's  possessions  was  planned — on 
paper — between  Napoleon  and  the  Emperor  Alex- 
ander of  Eussia ;  but  this  danger  was  also  averted 
by  a  second  treaty  at  Teheran  in  1809,  in  which 
the  Shah  covenanted  '  not  to  permit  any  European 
force  whatever  to  pass  through  Persia.'  Again, 
for  a  third  time,  in  1837,  we  were  supposed  to 
be  threatened  by  a  combined  attack  of  Persians, 
Eussians,  and  Afghans,  of  which  Kaye  gives  the 
following  account :  '  It  was  believed,'  he  says,  '  that 
the  danger  was  great  and  imminent.  There  was  a 
Persian  army,  under  the  command  of  the  King  of 
kings  himself,  investing  Herat,  and  threatening  to 
march  upon  Candahar  and  Cabul.  There  were 
Eussian  diplomatists  and  Eussian  engineers  in  his 
camp,  directing  the  councils  of  the  Shah  and  the 
operations  of  the  siege.  The  Barukzye  sirdars  of 
Afghanistan  were  intriguing  with  the  Persian  Court ; 


302         RECOLLECTIONS    OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1878 

and  far  out  in  the  distance,  beyond  the  mountains  of 
the  Hindoo  Koosh,  there  was  the  shadow  of  a  great 
northern  army,  tremendous  in  its  indistinctness, 
sweeping  across  the  wilds  and  deserts  of  Central  Asia 
towards  the  frontier  of  Hindostan.'1  All  these 
shadows,  however,  passed  harmlessly  away  ;  and  the 
so-called  great  northern  army,  as  we  now  know, 
but  as  we  did  not  know  then,  was  the  Russian  column 
of  Perofski,  consisting  of  a  few  thousand  men,  which 
had  left  Orenburg  with  a  view  to  chastise  the  Khan 
of  Khiva,  and  which  perished  from  famine  and 
pestilence  in  the  snowy  wastes  of  the  Barsuk  desert, 
north  of  the  Aral. 

It  was  not  until  1847,  contemporaneously  with 
our  final  conquest  of  the  Punjab,  that  the  Eussian 
advances  in  Central  Asia  assumed  an  important  as- 
pect. She  had  held  nominal  sway  since  1730  over 
the  Kirghis  tribes  in  the  western  division  of  the  great 
steppe  ;  but,  except  in  the  vicinity  of  Orenburg,  had 
little  real  control.  In  1847-8,  however,  Eussia  erected 
three  fortresses  in  the  heart  of  the  steppe — -thus 
forming  a  connecting  link  with  the  Sir  Daria — and 
established  Fort  Aralsk,  near  the  embouchure  of  the 
river.  The  Eussians  having  thus  crossed  the  great 
desert,  came  permanently  into  contact  with  the  three 
khanates  of  Central  Asia,  and  their  progress  and 
conquests  since  that  date  have  been  comparatively 

1  Kaye's  History  of  the  War  in  Afghanistan  in  1838. 


1878  RUSSIA   IN   CENTRAL  ASIA  303 

easy  and  rapid.  The  principalities  had  no  military 
strength  which  could  long  withstand  the  advance  of 
a  great  Power,  and  the  Russians  are  now  predominant 
in  that  part  of  the  world,  and  are  masters  on  the  Aral 
and  Caspian  Seas.  Drawing  a  line  from  east  to  west, 
their  outposts  are  dotted  along  the  crests  of  the 
Tian-Shan  mountains,  looking  down  on  Kashgar ; 
in  the  centre  their  frontier  touches  the  outlying 
provinces  of  Afghanistan  which  lie  to  the  north  of 
the  Hindoo  Koosh ;  whilst  on  the  west  their  posses- 
sions run  along  the  border  of  Persia. 

What  we  have  to  consider,  therefore,  is  the  fact 
that  a  great  Power,  within  the  last  forty  or  fifty  years, 
has  virtually  advanced  its  old  frontier  for  many 
hundred  miles  southwards,  rapidly  overrunning  the 
country  like  a  tidal  wave  over  sands ;  absorbing 
decaying  principalities,  establishing  forts  at  strategic 
points,  taking  possession  of  inland  seas,  routes,  and 
river  communications,  until  its  frontier  posts  not  only 
approach  our  own,  but  are  on  the  confines  of  countries 
with  which  we  are  closely  associated,  and  some  of 
which  are  more  or  less  under  our  direct  influence 
and  control.  Her  long  line  of  frontier  is  devious, 
and  not  always  perfectly  defined;  it  wanders  along 
the  crests  of  mountains,  is  marked  sometimes  by  the 
course  of  rivers,  and  occasionally  almost  lost  in  path- 
less deserts.  So  far  as  the  principalities  themselves 
are  concerned,  it  is  admitted  that  their  conquest  by 


304         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A    MILITARY   LIFE         1878 

Russia  is  an  unmixed  blessing  to  the  inhabitants.  In 
their  bare  outline  these  changes  are  certainly  matters 
of  interest  to  us ;  but  they  do  not  necessarily  con- 
stitute a  great  danger.  There  is  undoubtedly  a 
difference  between  the  present  and  the  past.  The 
military  forces  of  a  great  Power  are  now  in  com- 
parative proximity  to  our  Indian  empire,  and  hold 
ground  formerly  in  possession  of  governments  which, 
although  usually  unfriendly,  had  no  real  means  of 
injuring  us.  We  need  not  now  discuss  the  causes 
of  Eussian  activity ;  whether  they  have  been  the 
result  of  the  apocryphal  will  of  Peter  the  Great, 
or  of  the  military  restlessness  and  ambition  of  her 
generals  on  the  spot,  or  the  inevitable  consequence 
of  collision  with  half-civilised  decaying  States. 
What  we  have  to  consider  is  the  effect  on  our  posi- 
tion in  India. 

Perhaps  the  most  striking  feature  is  the  vast 
extent  of  country  absorbed  by  Russia.  From 
Orenburg  in  the  north  to  Samarcand  in  the  south  is 
more  than  1,000  miles  in  a  straight  line,  and  from  the 
Caspian  to  Kuldja,  west  to  east,  about  1,500  miles. 
Increased  military  power  is  not,  however,  a  necessary 
result  of  extended  dominion.  The  annexation  of  a 
country  well  peopled,  fertile,  rich,  and  civilised,  and 
whose  inhabitants  are  in  accord  with  their  new  rulers, 
may  give  a  great  accession  of  strength,  but  when  none 
of  these  conditions  are  fulfilled,  conquest  may  lead  to 


1878  OUR  POSITION   IN   INDIA  305 

military  weakness.  The  population  of  Central  Asia 
is  not  only  extremely  sparse,  but,  owing  to  extensive 
deserts  and  to  the  vicissitudes  of  climate,  many  of 
the  tribes  are  nomadic  in  their  habits.  The  whole 
population  is  estimated  not  to  exceed  four  millions 
and  a  half.  When  we  consider  that  our  empire  of 
India,  which  approximately  is  of  about  the  same 
geographical  area  as  Eussian  Central  Asia,  contains 
a  population  of  over  250  millions,  we  have  at  once 
a  striking  example  presented  to  us  of  the  difference 
of  the  two  regions. 

The  power  of  conducting  military  operations  on  a 
great  scale  depends  not  only  on  the  resources  of  the 
country  to  be  traversed  as  regards  supplies  of  food, 
pasture,  fuel,  and  water,  but  also  on  facilities  of 
communication  and  transport.  In  discussing,  there- 
fore, the  possible  future  danger  to  our  Eastern  posses- 
sions from  a  further  advance  of  Eussia,  the  sterility 
and  general  characteristics  of  the  country  in  which  she 
has  established  herself,  and  also  the  great  distance  of 
her  troops  from  the  main  resources  of  the  empire, 
become  important  elements  for  consideration.  War 
is  a  science  which  depends  for  its  success  not  only 
on  the  courage  of  well  armed,  disciplined  hosts,  and  of 
skilled  generals  as  leaders,  but  also  on  the  means 
of  rapid  concentration  and  of  bringing  up  reserves  of 
munitions  and  materiel.  Modern  armies  are  specially 
tied  by  such  considerations.  Now  Central  Asia  is 

x 


306         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1878 

exceptionally  deficient  in  all  these  essential  require- 
ments, and  these  conditions  are  abiding.  It  therefore 
forms  a  very  weak  base  of  operations  against  a  great 
empire  like  India,  whose  general  characteristics  are 
of  an  exactly  contrary  character ;  and  although  the 
construction  in  recent  years  of  a  railway  from  the 
Caspian  to  Samarcand  will  to  a  certain  extent  give 
facility  for  transport,  still  it  will  not  in  itself  alter  the 
general  features  of  the  pathless  deserts  of  which  the 
greater  part  of  the  country  consists. 

Between  the  recently  conquered  provinces  of 
Russia  and  our  empire  of  India  lies  the  mountainous 
country  of  Afghanistan,  inhabited  by  warlike  tribes 
of  brave,  fanatical  Mohammedans  who  certainly 
have  no  love  for  Russia.  In  a  geographical  and 
indeed  in  every  sense,  it  is  laid  out,  as  it  were,  as 
the  natural  frontier  of  an  empire.  All  along  its 
northern  provinces  stands  the  snow-capped  range  of 
the  Hindoo  Koosh,  stretching  away  from  east  to  west : 
a  line  of  mountains  between  15,000  and  20,000 
feet  high,  with  few  practicable  passes,  and  even 
these  are  closed  in  winter.  It  thus  presents  for 
the  greater  part  of  its  length  a  natural  barrier  against 
aggression,  which  a  few  military  works  at  the  passes 
would  render  impregnable.  Even  as  far  west  as 
Herat,  the  ranges  to  the  north  of  it  are  several 
thousand  feet  high.  But  this  is  not  all.  The  great 
ridges  which  run  away  in  a  south-westerly  direction 


1878  A   NATURAL   FRONTIER  307 

from  the  Hindoo  Koosh,  and  which,  enclosing  long 
narrow  valleys  of  limited  fertility,  form  the  greater 
part  of  Afghanistan — all  these  present  a  series  of 
additional  natural  defences.  Afghanistan  resembles 
Switzerland,  but  its  mountains  are  higher,  its  defiles 
more  difficult,  its  resources  very  scanty,  and  it  has  no 
roads  properly  so  called ;  so  that  an  enemy  advanc- 
ing from  the  north  can  only  come  in  any  force  by 
one  route — that  is,  by  skirting  the  successive  ridges 
where  they  sink  into  the  southern  deserts.  It  is 
indeed  remarkable  that  India  is  surrounded  for 
hundreds  of  miles  to  the  north-west  by  a  vast  zone 
of  barren  country,  including  Afghanistan,  Persia, 
and  the  principalities  ;  territories  unequalled  perhaps 
in  the  world  for  their  misery  and  desolation ;  but 
which,  regarded  from  a  purely  military  point  of  view, 
offer  a  great  impediment  to  projects  of  invasion. 
The  Afghans  are  poor,  but  brave,  hardy,  fanatical, 
and  no  doubt  somewhat  turbulent.  They  hate  all 
intruders.  In  former  days  the  hordes  of  Asia, 
composed  chiefly  of  cavalry,  could  disregard  bases  of 
support  and  supply,  and,  being  unencumbered  with 
siege  trains  or  other  modern  appliances,  could  sally 
out  from  these  desert  wastes,  and,  braving  all  risks, 
overflow  the  comparatively  rich  fertile  plains  of 
India.  But  all  such  incursions  are  now  happily 
impossible.  Circumstances  have  entirely  altered. 
Modern  science  has  so  expanded  the  means  of  defence 

I  2 


308         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY    LIFE         1878 

that  armies  of  invasion  must  necessarily  bring  with 
them  a  corresponding  power ;  and  this  entails  vast 
encumbrances,  numerous  depots,  good  roads,  and 
safe  communications. 

It  now  becomes  time  to  consider  the  military 
position  of  our  empire  in  India,  and  here  we  are  met 
at  once  by  conditions  the  very  opposite  of  those  I 
have  described  as  prevailing  in  Central  Asia.  Whilst 
Eussia  has  been  engaged  for  many  years  past  in  the 
almost  futile  effort  of  establishing  her  power  amongst 
the  remains  of  decaying  principalities,  and  of  intro- 
ducing civilisation  in  regions  where  almost  every 
element  of  prosperity  is  deficient,  we  have  also 
consolidated  our  empire  in  the  East.  Order  now 
reigns  in  India  in  place  of  anarchy,  the  government 
of  the  law  has  replaced  that  of  the  sword,  and 
provinces  formerly  almost  depopulated  by  depreda- 
tions and  misrule  have  become  fertile  and  prosperous. 
Life  is  safe,  and  religion  and  property  respected. 
The  value  of  land  has  increased ;  great  commercial 
cities  have  arisen  and  trade  flourishes.1  Good  civil 
government,  in  causing  contentment  to  the  people 
and  in  developing  the  resources  of  the  country,  gives 
vast  additional  strength  to  our  military  power.  In 
addition  to  the  British  troops,  we  maintain  highly 
efficient  armies  recruited  from  the  many  martial 
races  under  our  rule,  and  are  able  to  increase  them 

1  What  England  has  done  for  India,  Dr.  "W.  Hunter,  1879. 


1878  AN    IMPORTANT   CONSIDERATION  309 

almost  at  will.  At  the  same  time,  the  improved 
means  of  communication  by  railways,  roads,  and 
rivers  enable  us  to  concentrate  our  forces,  supplies, 
and  munitions  with  comparative  ease.  It  may  seem 
almost  unnecessary  to  dwell  upon  facts  so  well 
known ;  but  judging  from  much  of  what  we  often 
hear  and  read,  the  enormous  latent  strength  we 
possess  in  India  appears  not  to  be  fully  appreciated. 
We  hold  a  central  position  of  great  concentration 
and  power,  whilst  that  of  Eussia  is  necessarily 
much  the  opposite ;  so  even  were  the  two  empires  in 
contact,  the  danger  would  not  be  on  our  side.  We 
are  the  great  and  predominant  naval  and  military 
power  in  the  East,  and  Eussia  is  comparatively  the 
weak  one  ;  and  there  is  nothing  in  the  present  aspect 
and  condition  of  affairs  likely  to  cause  any  important 
alteration  in  these  respects.  Eussia  may  not  have 
the  wish  to  attack  us  in  India,  but  she  has  not  the 
power,  which  is  a  far  more  important  consideration. 
But  the  two  empires  are  not  in  contact,  or  near  it. 
The  most  advanced  Cossack  outpost  on  the  Murghab 
is  several  hundred  miles  from  the  Indus  ;  so  that,  far 
as  the  Eussians  have  already  advanced,  and  far 
removed  as  their  outposts  are  from  the  bases  of 
supply,  they  have  still  a  whole  continent  of  very 
difficult  country  to  traverse  before  they  would  even 
be  in  sight  of  our  frontier  river  and  of  the  plains  of 
India. 


310         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1878 

The  views  on  this  important  question  which  I 
had  formed  and  published  years  ago,  were  fully 
confirmed  in  1887  by  Sir  West  Ridge  way,  who  was 
our  representative  at  the  Joint  Commission,  which, 
between  1885  and  1887,  finally  marked  out  the 
northern  frontier  of  Afghanistan  ;  and  who,  from  his 
position  and  the  accurate  knowledge  he  obtained  of 
the  country,  was  able  to  give  an  authoritative 
opinion.  He  wrote  :  '  If  any  Eussian  general  were 
so  reckless  as  to  attempt  the  invasion  of  India,  and, 
relying  on  the  single  line  of  lightly  constructed  rails 
which  connect  the  Caspian  with  the  Oxus — and  which 
are  liable  in  summer  to  b6  blocked  by  the  moving 
sands  of  the  desert,  and  in  winter  by  the  falling- 
snows  of  heaven — if,  relying  on  this  frail  and 
precarious  base,  he  were  to  move  an  army  through 
the  barren  plains  bordering  the  Oxus,  and,  leaving 
in  his  rear  the  various  hostile  and  excited  races  of 
Central  Asia,  he  were  to  cross  the  difficult  passes 
of  the  Hindoo  Koosh  and  entangle  his  army  in 
the  barren  mountain  homes  of  the  fanatical  and 
treacherous  Afghan,  then  indeed  our  fortunate 
generals  may  wrell  congratulate  themselves  that  the 
Lord  has  delivered  the  enemy  into  their  hand.  The 
same  objection  applies  to  an  invasion  of  India  by  the 
Herat  road.  Imagine  the  plight  of  the  Eussian  army 
when  it  arrived  before  our  entrenched  camp  at 
Candahar,  connected,  as  it  would  be,  by  railway 


1878  A   POLICY   OF   CONCILIATION  311 

with  our  immense  resources  in  India.  The  Eussian 
army  would  find  itself  in  a  country  stripped  of 
supplies  and  carriage,  with  a  powerful  enemy  in  its 
front,  and  fanatical  tribes  waging  a  guerilla  war  on 
its  flanks  and  rear.' 1  Sir  West  Eidgeway  also  bore 
testimony  to  the  beneficial  rule  of  Eussia  in  Central 
Asia,  and  that  her  officers  on  the  frontier  were 
conciliatory,  moderate  gentlemen. 

If  the  foregoing  statements  and  the  opinions 
which  I  have  offered  upon  them  are  sound,  then  it  is 
evident  that  our  general  line  of  policy  towards  the 
people  of  Afghanistan  is  simple  and  clear.  They 
hold  important  outworks,  as  it  were,  just  outside  our 
frontier  ;  and,  whilst  not  interfering  with  their  inde- 
pendence, we  should  do  all  in  our  power  not  only  to 
maintain  the  authority  of  their  ruler,  the  Ameer  of 
Cabul,  but  also  to  keep  on  friendly  terms  with  the 
tribes,  many  of  whom,  especially  those  along  our 
frontier,  are  more  or  less  independent.  Our  policy 
should  be  one  of  conciliation  and  of  subsidies ;  and 
although  in  dealing  with  half-civilised,  turbulent 
chiefs  and  tribes  the  beneficial  results  are  achieved 
slowly,  still,  year  by  year,  a  patient  and  forbearing 
policy  will  bear  good  fruit,  and  indeed  is  now  doing 
so  in  a  marked  degree.  It  is  important  to  note  that 
in  our  dealings  with  the  Ameer,  and  in  granting 

1  «  The  New  Afghan  Frontier,'  by  Col.  Sir  West  Eidgeway,  K.C.S.I., 
C.B. ;  Nineteenth  Century,  October  1887. 


312         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY    LIFE         1878 

him  subsidies  and  arms,  we  only  claimed  in  return 
that  his  foreign  policy  should  be  under  our  guid- 
ance. Our  principle  for  years  past  had  been  that 
Afghanistan  should  be  strong,  friendly,  and  inde- 
pendent. 

The  gradual  approach  of  the  Eussian  frontier 
towards  India  led  to  a  diplomatic  correspondence 
in  1872-3  l  between  Lord  Granville,  then  Secretary 
of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  Prince  Gortchakoff, 
with  a  view  to  a  clearer  definition  of  the  Afghan 
frontier  north  of  the  Hindoo  Koosh.  It  was  not 
that  the  forces  of  either  Power  were  then  on  the 
ground,  nor  had  the  country  been  accurately 
surveyed  ;  but  the  object  was  to  avoid  complications 
in  the  future,  and  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the 
Eussian  Government  ultimately  acquiesced  in  all 
Lord  Granville's  proposals  as  to  the  provinces  and 
districts  which  were  to  be  considered  as  Afghan 
territory.  Though  Eussia  claimed  independence  of 
action  so  far  as  the  principalities 2  were  concerned, 
it  also  fully  accepted  the  principle  that  Afghanistan 
was  within  the  sphere  of  our  influence. 

During  the  period  from  1864  to  1876,  when 
Lords  Lawrence,  Mayo,  and  Northbrook  were  suc- 
cessively Viceroys  of  India,  the  general  policy  which 
I  have  indicated  was  carefully  pursued,  but  in  the 

1  Parliamentary  Paper :  Central  Asia,  C  2164,  1878 ;  also  C  699, 
1873. 

2  Central  Asia,  No.  1,  1878. 


1878  THE   AMEER'S   SUSPICION  313 

latter  year  a  serious  change  occurred  which  even- 
tually led  to  a  great  war  in  Afghanistan  in  1878-9. 
There  were  apparently  two  main  causes  for  the 
alteration  in  the  views  of  the  British  Government. 
One  was  a  restless  feeling  that  we  were  somewhat 
in  the  dark  as  to  the  conduct  of  affairs  in  Cabul, 
and  that  the  then  Ameer  Shere  Ali  was  becoming 
unfriendly ;  the  other  that  the  long  range  of  the 
Suliman  mountains  trans-Indus  formed  a  some- 
what insecure  border  line,  and  that  we  should  take 
possession  of  some  of  the  passes  with  a  view  of  esta- 
blishing what  was  called  a  scientific  frontier.  In  pur- 
suance of  the  first  a  violent  effort  was  made  to  force 
English  representatives  on  the  Ameer  at  Cabul, 
Candahar,  and  Herat,  a  policy  known  to  be  specially 
feared  by  the  Afghans,  and  which  we  had  hitherto 
engaged  more  than  once  not  to  adopt.1  In  January 
1877  an  Afghan  envoy,  Noor  Mahomed  Khan,  held 
prolonged  meetings  with  the  late  Sir  Lewis  Pelly  on 
the  subject  at  Peshawur,  and  begged  that  the  pro- 
posal might  be  dropped.  He  said :  '  Why  all  this 
pressing  to  send  British  officers,  when  you  declare 
that  you  have  no  wish  to  interfere  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  Afghanistan  ?  It  has  roused  the  suspicion 
of  the  Ameer.  .  .  .  He  is  now  convinced  that  to  allow 
British  officers  to  reside  in  his  country  will  be  to 
relinquish  his  own  authority.'  .  .  .  Again  he  said : 

1  Parliamentary  Paper :  Afghanistan,  1878. 


314         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1878 

'  Your  Government  is  a  powerful  and  a  great  one ; 
ours  is  a  small  and  weak  one.  We  have  long  been 
on  terms  of  friendship,  and  the  Ameer  clings  to  the 
skirt  of  the  British  Government,  and  till  his  hand  be 
cut  off  he  will  not  relax  his  hold  of  it.'  Sir  Lewis 
Pelly,  however,  stated  that  the  presence  of  English 
officers  in  Afghanistan  was  a  sine  qud  non ;  and  as 
Lord  Lytton,  the  Viceroy,  had  already,  in  speaking  of 
the  position  of  Shere  Ali  between  Eussia  and  England, 
described  it  as  that  '  of  an  earthen  pipkin  between 
two  iron  pots,'  it  was  evident  that  no  friendly 
arrangement  was  likely  to  ensue.  During  1877  our 
native  agent  at  Cabul  was  withdrawn,  our  subsidy 
ceased,  and  Shere  Ali  remained  in  a  position  of  iso- 
lation, and  was  left  to  form  friendship  elsewhere. 
In  fact,  we  washed  our  hands  of  him  and  were  evi- 
dently drifting  into  war. 

As  regards  the  other  cause  of  dispute — the 
rectification  of  the  trans-Indus  frontier — the  opinion 
of  our  Government  at  the  time  was  that  we  should 
march  into  Afghanistan,  and  establish  what  was 
termed  a  strategical  triangle  between  Cabul,  Ghuznee 
and  Jellalabad,  and  thus  guard,  as  it  were,  the  avenues 
to  India.1  Being  greatly  interested  in  the  proposed 
military  operations  at  the  period  in  question,  I  wrote 
a  letter  to  the  Times,2  pointing  out  the  serious 

1  Parliamentary  Paper :  Afghanistan,  No.  2,  1881,  C  2811. 

2  Times,  October  18,  1878. 


1878  A   DANGEROUS   DELUSION  315 

results  which  were  likely  to  ensue  on  our  advance 
into  Afghanistan,  and  of  which  the  following  are  ex- 
tracts. '  In  my  opinion  such  an  idea  is  a  dangerous 
delusion.  Afghanistan  is  a  country  of  mountains, 
and  the  Suliman  range,  which  forms  our  boundary, 
is  merely  the  first  of  a  series  of  great  ridges  running- 
down  south-westerly  from  the  Hindoo  Koosh.  If 
we  enter  the  country  and  merely  hold  the  nearest 
passes,  we  shall  at  once  find  ourselves  in  a  maze  of 
mountains,  with  dozens  of  other  passes  and  strong 
positions  in  our  front.  Not  only  that,  but  we  shall 
become  involved  with  other  tribes  ;  and  as  soon  as  our 
flag  is  seen  flying  within  the  Afghan  mountains,  our 
influence  will  begin  to  extend,  political  and  military 
complications  will  arise,  and  we  shall  inevitably  be 
carried  forward.'  Alluding  to  the  policy  which  had 
for  some  years  past  been  followed,  I  went  on  to  point 
out  that  '  the  frontier  throughout  its  length  is  far 
quieter  now  than  in  the  years  gone  by.  Occasional 
acts  of  outrage  and  robbery  are  treated  as  matters  of 
police.  Many  of  the  men  of  the  Afghan  tribes  beyond 
the  border  now  enter  our  service,  and  do  their  duty 
well.  .  .  .  Therefore,  I  maintain  that  a  conciliatory 
policy  has  been  in  a  great  measure  successful,  and 
was  leading  straight  to  the  object  we  had  in  view, 
although  time,  patience,  and  forbearance  are  required 
before  the  results  become  palpable  and  confirmed.' 
Lord  Lawrence,  the  greatest  authority  then  living  on 


316         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1878 

the  subject,  wrote  several  letters  to  the  'Times'  in 
1878  strongly  deprecating  our  change  of  policy,  and 
I  had  the  satisfaction  of  receiving  from  him  a  note 
expressing  his  entire  agreement  with  the  military 
views  which  I  had  put  forward. 

Whilst  the  two  causes  I  have  described  gradually 
led  to  the  estrangement  of  the  Ameer  of  Cabul,  an 
additional  fear  arose  in  his  mind  owing  to  our  deal- 
ings with  the  ruler  of  the  neighbouring  country  of 
Beluchistan.1  Here  also  we  had  for  many  years  past, 
and  amidst  some  difficulties,  pursued  a  course  of  con- 
ciliation and  subsidies  with  the  ruler,  the  Khan  of 
Khelat ;  one  of  our  objects  being  to  insure  the  safe 
passage  of  caravans  with  goods  through  the  Bolam. 
In  1877,  however,  a  new  treaty  having  been  made,  a 
small  British  force  entered  the  country,  and,  march- 
ing through  the  Pass,  occupied  and  fortified  Quetta, 
on  the  borders  of  Afghanistan,  ostensibly  as  a  pro- 
tection to  our  representative.  It  was,  perhaps,  only 
natural  under  the  circumstances,  that  Shere  Ali  should 
look  with  some  distrust  at  the  presence  of  our  troops 
on  his  immediate  southern  border,  and  on  the  direct 
road  to  Candahar.  Matters  drifted  on  during  1878, 
but  Shere  Ali  having  finally  rejected  our  ultimatum, 
war  was  declared  in  November,  and  British  troops 
entered  Afghanistan  in  three  columns — one  by  the 
Khyber  as  far  as  Jellalabad,  the  second  occupied 

:  Parliamentary  Paper  :  Beluchistan,  February  1878. 


iS/9  COMMENCEMENT   OF  THE   WAR  317 

the  Koorum  valley,  whilst  the  third,  marching 
through  the  Bolam,  reached  Candahar  in  January 
1879.  These  operations  were  accomplished  with 
comparative  ease,  and  for  the  moment  our  success 
seemed  complete.  Shere  AH  fled  from  Cabul,  and 
died  soon  afterwards,  and  his  son  and  successor, 
Yakoob  Khan,  having  sued  for  peace,  a  treaty  was 
signed  in  May,  the  chief  items  of  which  were  that  we 
should  permanently  retain  the  Koorum  and  Pisheen 
valleys,  and  also  send  an  English  officer  with  a  suit- 
able escort  as  our  representative  at  Cabul,  Major 
Cavagnari  being  selected  for  the  purpose.1  So  far  all 
seemed  well ;  but  in  reality  the  war,  instead  of 
being  at  an  end,  was  only  at  its  commencement. 
In  September,  Cavagnari  and  his  escort  were  sur- 
rounded and  murdered,  and  the  whole  country 
was  disorganised  and  seething  with  excitement.  The 
treaty  of  peace  was  torn  up,2  and  the  Khyber  and 
Koorum  columns  marched  at  once  upon  Cabul,  and 
after  severe  fighting  established  our  authority  at  the 
capital. 

So  completely  had  these  serious  and  untoward 
events  changed  the  aspect  of  affairs  that  Lord  Lytton, 
the  Viceroy,  in  January  1880  stated  that  we  must 
recognise  disintegration  as  the  basis  of  our  policy. 
The  province  of  Cabul  was  to  be  given  over  to  one 

1  Afghanistan,  No.  7,  1879,  C  2401. 

2  Afghanistan,  No.  1,  1881,  C  2770,  and  No.  2,  2811. 


318         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1880 

Afghan  chief,  Candahar  to  another,  and  as  to  Herat, 
the  most  nourishing  and  important  district  of  all,  it 
was  proposed  to  hand  it  over  to  Persia.  It  is  not 
necessary  to  describe  the  military  measures  which 
followed,  which  were  brilliantly  carried  out,  but 
towards  the  close  of  the  campaign  we  had  about 
60,000  men  either  actually  in  Afghanistan  or  on  the 
frontier,  and  even  then  we  only  commanded  the 
ground  on  which  we  stood ;  whilst  the  cost  of  the  war 
amounted  to  nearly  twenty  millions  sterling.  In  the 
end,  and  after  much  discussion,  however,  the  British 
Government  reverted  to  the  original  policy  of  a  strong, 
friendly,  and  independent  Afghanistan  ;  and  Abdul 
Eahman  Khan,  who  had  been  a  refugee  for  years  in 
Eussian  territory,  was  acknowledged  by  us  as  the 
ruler  of  the  country.  Our  forces  were  withdrawn 
early  in  1881,  and  the  strategical  triangle  was,  by 
common  consent,  consigned  to  the  waste  paper  basket.1 
In  my  opinion  the  war  of  1878-9  was  bad  in 
policy  and  unjust  in  principle  from  beginning  to 
end.  It  is  a  matter  of  history  now,  but  we  not  only 
were  fighting  against  those  we  ought  to  have  concili- 
ated, but  nearly  ended  in  disintegrating  the  country 
and  taking  a  large  portion  of  it  ourselves.  Subsequent 
to  the  withdrawal  of  our  army  the  country  became 
more  settled,  although  the  position  of  Abdul  Eahman 
was  for  some  time  precarious.  By  our  support, 

1  Afghanistan,  1881,  No.  1,  pp.  GO-87. 


1880  CENTRAL  ASIA  319 

financial  and  other,  however,  he  slowly  established 
his  authority,  and  has  continued  on  terms  of  friend- 
ship with  our  Government. 

Eeverting  to  Central  Asia,  the  capture  of  Merv 
by  the  Eussians  and  their  gradual  approximation  to 
the  northern  provinces  of  Afghanistan,  combined 
with  the  somewhat  overbearing  conduct  of  their 
military  subordinates  on  the  spot,  led  in  1885  to  a 
conflict  at  Penjdeh  between  the  Eussian  and  Afghan 
outposts,  which  at  one  time  threatened  to  lead  to  a 
great  war.  I  have  already  explained  that  although 
by  the  Granville-Gortchakoff  agreement  of  1873 
the  northern  Afghan  provinces  were  settled,  their 
actual  boundaries,  in  the  absence  of  full  information, 
remained  somewhat  indefinite.  Indeed,  in  coun- 
tries chiefly  inhabited  by  nomadic  tribes,  wander- 
ing about  in  search  of  pasture,  such  questions  are 
often  more  or  less  uncertain.  As  a  proof  of  the 
doubtful  nature  of  the  facts  at  that  time,  I  may  point 
out  that  in  the  official  English  maps  published  a  few 
years  before  the  Penjdeh  incident,  that  hitherto 
almost  unknown  village  was  marked  as  outside  the 
Afghan  frontier.  It  would  answer  no  good  purpose 
to  re-open  a  subject  which  involved  no  great  principle, 
and  the  issues  of  which  were  exaggerated  at  the  time 
by  violent  and  imprudent  language,  both  in  England 
and  Eussia.  It  was  eminently  one  for  diplomatic 
arrangement  and  not  for  war,  and  found  its  solution 


320         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1880 

in  the  joint  Boundary  Commission  which  was  origin- 
ated by  Lord  Granville,1  and  brought  to  a  friendly 
conclusion  in  1887.  The  Marquis  of  Salisbury,  who 
was  Prime  Minister  at  the  time,  alluding  to  the 
arrangement,  said  :  '  I  believe  a  more  well-balanced 
and  equable  settlement  could  hardly  have  been  arrived 
at.  There  has  been  no  great  sacrifice  on  either  side ; 
but  I  value  the  settlement  for  this  reason,  not  because 
I  attach  much  importance  to  the  square  miles  of 
desert  with  which  we  have  been  dealing — and  which 
probably  after  ten  generations  of  mankind  will  not 
yield  the  slightest  value  to  any  human  being — but 
because  it  indicates  on  both  sides  that  spirit  which 
in  the  two  Governments  is  consistent  with  continued 
peace.'  That,  in  my  judgment  is  the  spirit  in  which 
two  great  Powers  should  always  be  prepared  to  act 
in  international  disagreements. 

One  more  subject  remains,  as  regards  Central  Asia, 
which  deserves  a  few  remarks — that  of  the  Pamirs, 
on  the  north  eastern  confines  of  Afghanistan.  The 
country,  until  recently  very  little  known,  is  an  ele- 
vated desolate  plateau  ringed  round  with  snowy 
ridges,  and  is  the  point  of  junction  of  the  three  great 
mountain  ranges — the  Himalayas,  the  Hindoo  Koosh, 
and  the  Tian-Shan.  The  fact  that  some  of  the  lakes 
on  this  elevated  region  are  over  12,000  feet  above 
the  sea  is  a  proof  of  its  exceptional  character.  The 

1  Central  Asia :  No.  2,  1885,  C  4387  ;  and  No.  1,  1887,  C  5114. 


i88o  NO    CAUSE   FOR  WAR  321 

climate  is  very  severe,  and  its  inhabitants  appear  to 
be  chiefly  nomadic  tribes  from  Afghanistan,  Eussia, 
and  China  respectively,  who  bring  their  flocks  there 
for  pasture  during  the  three  or  four  summer  months. 
The  actual  delimitation  of  the  frontiers,  it  is  under- 
stood, is  now  being  amicably  arranged  between  the 
Powers  concerned.  As  a  base  for  military  operations 
for  an  advance  on  India,  the  very  nature  of  the 
country  offers  insurmountable  obstacles  and  hardly 
needs  discussion.  I  have  dealt  in  some  detail  with  the 
subject  of  Central  Asia,  as  one  of  great  and  general 
interest,  and  have  endeavoured  to  explain  the  military 
aspect  of  the  case,  because  it  is  the  one  perhaps  not 
so  generally  understood.  There  are  people  who  say 
that  war,  sooner  or  later,  is  inevitable.  As  the  late 
Lord  Derby  once  very  sensibly  remarked :  '  Of  the 
two  I  prefer  it  later.'  It  appears  to  me  that  there  is 
no  cause  for  war,  or  indeed  probability  of  it,  between 
Eussia  and  England  in  that  part  of  the  world  ;  but 
should  such  unfortunately  arise,  the  danger  would 
not  lie  on  our  side. 


122 


CHAPTEE  XXVIII 

APPOINTED     SURVEYOR     GENERAL     OF     THE     ORDNANCE 

PRINCIPLES     OF     ARMY     PROMOTION EGYPTIAN    WAR 

OF   1882 

ON  the  formation  of  Mr.  Gladstone's  Government  in 
1880  I  was  offered  by  him,  and  accepted,  the  ap- 
pointment of  Surveyor  General  of  the  Ordnance. 

Mr.  Childers,  on  becoming  Minister  for  War  in 
1880,  at  once  took  vigorous  measures  to  bring  to 
maturity  the  changes  which  had  been  instituted  by 
Lord  Cardwell,  but  of  which  some,  from  one  cause  or 
another,  had  been  rather  retarded.  One  of  his  first 
acts  was  to  complete  the  localisation  of  the  infantry 
regiments  in  counties,  which  had  been  so  strongly 
recommended  by  Colonel  Stanley's1  Commission  of 
1877  ;  and  which  is  now  exercising  so  beneficial  an 
influence  in  welding  the  regular  and  militia  forces, 
and  in  the  gradual  formation  of  local  ties  and  associ- 
ations. Another  measure,  introduced  in  1881,  was 
an  increase  in  the  pay  and  pension  of  non-commis- 
sioned officers,  and  the  appointment  of  those  in  the 
higher  grades  as  warrant  officers.  Essential  as  it  is 

1  Now  Earl  of  Derby. 


i88o  SYSTEM    OF    PROMOTION  323 

to  maintain  the  system  of  short  service  for  private 
soldiers,  as  affording  the  only  method  of  creating  a 
reserve  and  of  giving  strength  and  elasticity  to  the 
army  in  war,  it  is  at  the  same  time  desirable  that  a 
proportion  of  the  non-commissioned  officers  should 
be  induced  to  prolong  their  duties  in  the  ranks. 
The  same  difficulty,  it  may  be  observed,  is  felt,  and 
the  same  remedy  adopted,  in  the  chief  European 
armies,  where  considerable  advantages  as  to  pay, 
pensions,  and  ultimate  civil  employment  are  given  to 
non-commissioned  officers  who  extend  their  service. 

Principles  of  Promotion  and  Retirement  of  Officers 

Amongst  the  many  problems  which  have  to  be  con- 
sidered and  solved  by  the  War  Office,  none  perhaps 
is  more  complex  than  that  of  providing  a  system  of 
promotion  for  officers  in  order  that  a  sufficient  pro- 
portion of  the  most  capable  may  attain  to  the  higher 
positions  at  a  time  of  life  when  their  previous  ex- 
perience can  be  fully  utilised.  The  great  and  real 
difficulty  may  be  explained  in  a  few  words.  In  the 
army,  as  probably  in  every  profession  more  or  less, 
the  number  of  employments  available  for  the  higher 
ranks  is  comparatively  limited,  whilst  the  junior 
branches  are  crowded  with  young  men,  all  full  of  life 
and  energy,  gradually  gaining  experience,  and  all 
animated  with  the  one  laudable  hope  of  rising  to  the 
top.  In  the  military  profession  perhaps  more  than 

T  2 


324         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1880 

in  others,  the  organisation  of  ranks  is  strictly  denned 
as  to  numbers,  and  is  supposed  to  require  a  consider- 
able excess  of  officers  in  the  lower  grades,  who,  in 
time  of  peace  at  all  events,  have  not  adequate  occupa- 
tion, and  some  of  whom  as  the  years  pass  away,  losing 
their  zeal  and  activity,  become  unfitted  for  responsible 
posts,  when  their  long  deferred  opportunity  arrives. 

There  are  two  methods  of  partially  solving 
the  difficulty :  one,  which  is  now  mainly  in  force  in 
the  British  army,  is  a  graduated  scale  of  com- 
pulsory retirements  with  pensions  at  certain  fixed 
ages.  No  doubt  it  tends  to  clear  the  list,  and  thus 
to  make  room  for  the  juniors.  But  it  has  great 
drawbacks ;  first  of  all  in  its  excessive  cost,  and 
secondly,  that  it  does  not  in  reality  discriminate  be- 
tween the  efficient  and  the  inefficient.  Age  alone 
being  the  criterion,  it  often  happens  that  promising 
officers  who  have  no  wish  to  retire,  are  compelled 
to  do  so — and  this  is  not  only  a  hardship  on 
individuals,  but  injurious  to  the  State,  in  depriving 
it  of  men  who  carry  away  with  them  into  private 
life  valuable  experience  gained  in  various  parts  of 
the  world.  It  is,  in  short,  a  system  which,  if  rigidly 
enforced,  is  costly  in  both  senses,  without  adequate 
benefit  to  the  army.  In  1876  a  commission  under 
Lord  Penzance  investigated  and  reportecj.  on  the  sub- 
ject, and  it  is  chiefly  on  their  recommendations  that 
the  above  arrangements  were  adopted. 


i88o  REORGANISING   OF   RANKS  325 

There  are,  however,  other  ways  of  meeting  the 
difficulty  which  would  at  all  events  tend  to  remove 
some  of  these  objections.  In  the  first  place  it 
must  be  remembered  that  the  duties  of  the  British 
army  are  far  more  varied  and  severe  than  is  the 
case  with  the  Continental  powers.  More  than  half 
our  troops  are  always  at  foreign  stations.  Many 
officers,  therefore,  as  they  arrive  at  middle  life, 
and  whose  health  has  suffered  from  tropical 
climates,  find  themselves  compelled  to  retire ; 
and  a  scheme  of  voluntary,  in  lieu  of  compul- 
sory, pensions  would  meet  their  cases  without 
injuring  capable  officers,  and  without  inflicting  indi- 
vidual hardships.  But  there  is  another  and  a  more 
efficacious  mode  of  meeting  the  difficulty ;  namely, 
by  a  careful  reorganisation  of  ranks.  Lord  Pen- 
zance's  Commission  was  quite  alive  to  this  alterna- 
tive, and  said  that  a  reorganisation  of  ranks  would 
meet  the  question  in  another  way,  would  be  less 
costly,  and  would  prevent  the  loss  of  valuable 
officers,  but  that  it  was  beyond  their  instructions. 
As  I  have  already  mentioned,  the  present  organisa- 
tion rests  on  the  hypothesis  that  a  fixed  proportion 
of  officers  is  requisite  in  each  rank,  with  a  vast  pre- 
ponderance of  juniors.  But  is  this  really  essential  ? 
Now  it  so  happens  that  of  late  years  considerable 
modifications  have  been  made  in  every  army  in 
Europe  except  our  own,  tending  to  reduce  the  dis- 


326         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1881 

parity.  On  the  Continent  the  infantry  regiments,  for 
instance,  are  now  organised  in  double  companies 
under  mounted  officers,  and  the  cavalry  in  squadrons. 
It  is  held  that  under  the  modern  system  of  fighting 
such  arrangements  are  more  efficient ;  and  they  vir- 
tually lead  to  an  increase  in  the  upper,  and  a  diminu- 
tion in  the  lower,  ranks,  which  in  point  of  promotion 
is  exactly  the  remedy  wanted. 

Mr.  Childers  in  1881  introduced  changes  with  this 
two-fold  object  in  view,  and  the  following  table 
exemplifies  the  result  in  an  infantry  regiment  of 
two  battalions. 


Banks 

Establishment  before  1881 

Establishment  after  1881 

Lieut.-Colonels 
Majors   . 
Captains 
Lieutenants   . 

!}• 
g}« 

l}» 
%}« 

Total    . 

58 

56 

By  the  old  plan  the  number  of  field  officers  to- 
juniors  was,  as  will  be  seen,  6  to  52-or  1  to  8f .  By 
the  new  one  it  became  12  to  44  or  1  to  3f .  It  will 
be  evident  at  once  that  the  prospects  of  the  juniors 
as  regards  promotion  were  greatly  improved,  and  it 
had  the  additional  merit  of  being  more  economical  as 
regards  pensions,  and  further,  as  it  is  held  by  many 
that  the  new  organisation  is  more  efficient  for  war, 
it  would  appear  to  have  everything  in  its  favour. 
Unfortunately,  owing  to  diversities  of  opinion,  al~ 


i88i  RETROGRADE   CHANGES  327 

though  the  ranks  were  thus  re-arranged,  the  battalions 
have  never  been  divided  into  double  companies ;  so 
that  the  most  important  part  of  the  scheme  has  not 
been  completed  and  remains  untried.  Indeed,  the 
tendency  during  the  last  few  years  has  been  of  a 
retrograde  nature.  In  my  opinion,  the  proportion 
of  the  ranks  should  be  rigidly  enforced  so  as  to 
reduce  the  juniors  to  a  minimum  in  tune  of  peace, 
as  being  better  in  the  interests  of  the  officers,  more 
in  accordance  with  the  requirements  of  modern  war- 
fare, and  more  economical  to  the  State.  The 
following  figures  giving  the  proportion  of  senior 
officers  to  juniors  in  the  army  in  1884  and  1894 
respectively,  will  illustrate  my  argument,  and  will 
afford  proof  that  the  changes  made  three  or  four 
years  ago  have  injuriously  affected  the  prospects  of 
young  officers  in  respect  to  promotion. 


— 

1884 

1894 

Number  of  General  and  Field  Officers 
Number  of  Captains  and  Lieutenants 

2,586 
5,601 

2,128 
6,723 

8,187 

8,851 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  proportion  of  seniors 
to  juniors  in  1884  was  nearly  1  to  2,  whereas  in 
1894  it  is  about  1  to  3.  Again,  the  annual  cost  of  pen- 
sions in  1884  was  about  £737,000,  but  in  1894  it 
has  risen  to  about  £1,000,000.  So  that  not  only  are 
the  prospects  of  promotions  less,  but  at  the  same 


328         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1882 

time  the  cost  to  the  country  in  pensions  is  greater. 
There  remains  one  more  point  connected  with  the 
subject  which  must  be  mentioned — namely,  that  of 
selection.  The  principle  is  a  valuable  one,  and  should 
be  carefully  carried  out  in  the  higher  ranks.  It  will 
affect  individuals  and  be  beneficial  to  the  army ; 
but  it  will  not  in  itself  have  much  bearing  on  pro- 
motion generally. 

Speaking  of  retirement,  it  is  related  that  some 
years  ago  the  late  Lord  Airey  went  to  the  German 
manoeuvres,  and  on  being  introduced  to  the  old 
Emperor  William,  his  Majesty  said  :  '  I  hear,  Lord 
Airey,  you  are  going  to  retire.  What  is  your 
reason  ? '  Lord  Airey  replied  that,  being  seventy 
years  old,  by  the  regulations  he  had  no  option  in 
the  matter.  *  Eetire  at  seventy ! '  said  the  Emperor ; 
'  why,  all  my  best  generals  are  over  that  age ! ' 
4  Oh  yes,  your  Majesty,'  said  Airey,  '  I  quite  agree 
with  you,  but  in  England  they  get  tired  of  us  at 
seventy,  and  get  rid  of  us.' 

Expedition  to  Egypt 

At  the  beginning  of  1882  the  War  Office  in  Pall 
Mall  had  for  a  time  to  put  aside  what  may  be  called 
its  domestic  reforms,  and,  in  concert  with  the 
Admiralty,  to  prepare  for  an  expedition  to  Egypt,  in 
which  our  naval  and  military  forces  were  destined 


1882  REVOLUTION    IN   EGYPT  329 

before  the  close  of  the  year  to  take  a  leading  and 
a  successful  part.  The  causes  of  the  revolution  in 
Egypt  (which  commenced  in  1881)  appear  to  have 
been  a  complicated  mixture  of  intrigues,  military 
discontent,  and  a  sham  national  uprising ;  and  it  is 
difficult  now  to  understand  how  a  man  like  Arabi 
Pasha,  who  had  neither  political  experience  nor 
military  skill,  could,  even  for  a  time,  have  become 
the  virtual  master  of  the  situation.  But  if  the  local 
causes  are  somewhat  obscure,  the  diplomatic  action, 
or  rather  inaction,  of  the  various  Powers  of  Europe 
is  almost  equally  strange.  England  alone  from  the 
first  seems  to  have  perceived  the  true  issue,  and  by 
denouncing  Arabi  as  a  mere  mutinous  adventurer, 
and  by  insisting  on  the  necessity  of  crushing  the 
rebellion  and  restoring  the  authority  of  the  Khedive, 
she  protected  not  only  her  own  interests  in  the 
country,  but  also  those  of  Turkey,  and,  indeed,  of 
Europe  generally.  The  Government  of  France  at  the 
outset  appeared  to  be  quite  in  accord  with  our 
own.  In  January  a  joint  assurance  was  given  to 
the  Khedive  of  adequate  support,  and  in  May  the 
French  and  English  fleets  accordingly  arrived  at 
Alexandria  for  the  maintenance  of  order.  It  is 
further  to  be  observed  that  the  other  European 
powers,  recognising  the  superior  interests  of  France 
and  England,  acquiesced  in  their  proposed  interven- 
tion. So  far  unanimity  apparently  prevailed.  And 


330         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1882 

yet,  when  an  insurrection  headed  by  Arabi  occurred 
in  Alexandria  the  following  month,  France  for  some 
reason  withdrew  her  ships  and  left  England  alone. 
And  again,  when  it  became  evident  in  July  that  a 
military  force  could  alone  restore  order,  notwith- 
standing the  oft  repeated  desire  of  the  British 
Government  that  the  two  nations  should  act  in 
concert,  the  French  Chamber,  which  on  the  19th  of 
July  had  voted  the  necessary  supplies  for  their  part 
of  the  expedition,  on  the  29th  reversed  their  policy, 
and  by  a  majority  of  375  declined  to  take  any  part 
in  the  campaign. 

Judging  by  the  debates  in  the  French  Chamber 

O        O          •/ 

at  the  time,  it  would  appear  that  their  Ministers  were 
disinclined  to  embark  on  a  distant  expedition  on  two 
grounds  :  (1)  that  they  had  anxieties  nearer  home 
and  wished  to  keep  themselves  free  ;  (2)  that  the 
people  of  France  were  really  sick  of  campaigns,  and 
would  not  therefore  give  their  support  to  a  policy 
of  distant  adventure — not  perhaps  an  unnatural  view 
on  their  part.  So  uncertain,  indeed,  was  the  policy 
of  the  French  Government  up  to  the  last  moment 
that  towards  the  end  of  July,  when  I  was  appointed 
Chief  of  the  Staff  to  the  expedition,  I  received  in- 
structions to  proceed  to  Paris,  to  discuss  with 
the  French  military  authorities  as  to  the  place  of 
landing,  and  to  ascertain  their  views  on  the  joint 
operations.  The  vote  of  the  Chamber  on  the  29th, 


i882  GREAT   IMPARTIALITY  331 

however,  of  course  rendered  my  visit  unneces- 
sary. 

The  policy  of  Turkey  as  to  Egypt  was  still  more 
uncertain.  It  would  naturally  have  been  supposed 
that  when  one  of  its  tributary  States  had  broken  out 
into  insurrection,  and  when  the  power  of  the  local 
ruler  had  been  subverted,  the  Sultan's  Government 
would  have  been  anxious  to  quell  the  revolution, 
as  we  invited  them  to  do,  and  would  have 
welcomed  the  assistance  of  allies  like  ourselves  who 
had  a  similar  object  in  view.  Instead  of  that  the 
Turkish  Government  not  only  hesitated,  but  after  the 
outbreak  at  Alexandria  in  June  actually  conferred 
the  Grand  Cordon  of  the  Medjidi  on  Arabi  Pasha, 
the  rebel  leader.  The  Sultan,  however,  must  be  a 
man  of  great  impartiality  and  discrimination,  for 
when  I  arrived  at  Cairo  in  September,  after  the  short 
desert  campaign,  he  also  conferred  on  me  the  Grand 
Cordon  of  the  Medjidi.  Whether  he  was  under  the 
impression  that  I  was  a  friend  or  an  enemy  of  Arabi 
I  never  cared  to  inquire. 

Before  proceeding  to  give  details  of  the  prepara- 
tions for  the  expedition  to  Egypt,  it  will  be  as  well 
to  allude  shortly  to  certain  misconceptions  which 
appear  to  prevail  as  to  the  supposed  want  of 
concert  between  the  navy  and  army  in  war.  Even 
as  recently  as  1890  these  misconceptions  were  promi- 
nently alluded  to,  and  indeed  endorsed  in  the  report 


332         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1882 

of  Lord  Harrington's  Commission.1  Whilst  pointing 
out  that  the  two  services  are  '  to  a  large  extent 
dependent  on  each  other,'  the  report  goes  on  to  say 
that  '  little  or  no  attempt  has  ever  been  made  to 
establish  settled  and  regular  relations  between  them.' 
This,  if  correct,  would  be  serious.  My  experi- 
ence in  the  Crimea,  in  Egypt,  and  at  the  War 
Office  does  not  lead  me  at  all  to  the  conclusion 
stated  by  the  commission.  The  two  professions  are 
so  distinct  in  themselves  that  they  require  separate 
administration,  but  that  does  not  necessarily  entail 
any  want  of  co-operation  in  war.  On  the  contrary, 
they  thoroughly  understand  their  relative  positions ; 
and  whether  as  regards  preparations  for  national 
defence,  or  in  operations  for  the  expansion  of  the 
empire  in  various  parts  of  the  world,  our  success 
has  been  remarkable,  and  the  results  are  due  to  the 
united  efforts  of  the  navy  and  army.  The  present 
arrangements  are,  in  my  opinion,  efficient,  and  should 
be  left  alone. 

The  Egyptian  expedition  of  1882  affords  the 
most  recent  proof  of  what  I  have  urged.  No  sooner 
was  it  determined  on,  than  the  Minister  for  War  and 
the  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty,  with  their  chief 
advisers,  held  constant  meetings,  and  discussed  and 
decided  difficulties  and  details  day  by  day,  and 

1  Report  of  Royal  Commission  on  the  Relations  of  the  Naval  and 
Military  Departments  to  Each  Other,  1890. 


i882  EMBARKATION   OF   TROOPS  333 

nothing  could  be  more  complete  than  the  cordial  co- 
operation of  the  two  departments — a  co-operation 
which  was  not  limited  to  the  authorities  at  home, 
but  was  equally  conspicuous  at  the  seat  of  war. 
Throughout  the  operations  the  naval  and  military 
authorities  on  the  spot  fully  appreciated  their  rela- 
tive positions  ;  and  it  was  due  to  their  combined 
efforts,  backed  by  the  discipline  and  courage  of 
the  officers  and  men  of  both  services,  that  the  cam- 
paign was  carried  to  a  speedy  and  successful  con- 
clusion. 

Although  the  Egyptian  expedition  of  1882  bears 
no  comparison  either  as  to  its  duration,  difficulties, 
or  hard  fighting  with  that  of  the  Crimea,  still  in 
respect  to  the  number  of  troops  embarked  at  the 
outset  the  two  closely  approximate.  The  force  sent 
to  Egypt  from  England,  and  from  the  Mediterranean 
garrisons,  amounted  to  about  26,000  men,  with  54 
field  guns  and  5,000  cavalry  and  artillery  horses. 
To  these  were  shortly  added  about  8,000  men  from 
India,  consisting  of  the  Seaforth  Highlanders,  a 
battery  of  artillery,  and  several  regiments  of  native 
cavalry  and  infantry.  The  troops  from  home  com- 
menced embarking  towards  the  end  of  July ;  and  so 
complete  and  satisfactory  were  the  arrangements  of 
the  Admiralty,  due  in  great  measure  to  the  energy 
and  experience  of  Admiral  Sir  William  Mends,  the 
Director  of  Transports,  that  after  a  voyage  of  3,000 


334         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY    LIFE         1882 

miles'  they  arrived  at  Alexandria  without  a  contre- 
temps of  any  kind. 

The  general  outline  of  the  campaign  and  of  the 
movements  to  be  undertaken  had  been  discussed 
before  the  departure  of  the  expedition,  and  it  was 
virtually  decided  to  take  temporary  possession  of 
the  Suez  Canal ;  Ismailia  becoming  the  base  of 
operations  with  a  view  to  an  advance  upon  Cairo. 
There  were  obvious  political  and  strategical  reasons 
for  the  decision.  In  the  first  place  the  occupation 
of  the  canal  would  secure  its  safety,  and  prevent  its 
being  blocked  or  injured  by  the  enemy — a  most  im- 
portant European  interest  in  itself;  and  it  is  curious 
that  the  late  Monsieur  de  Lesseps,  who  was  in 
communication  with  Arabi  and  who  was  at  Ismailia 
at  the  time  of  our  arrival,  was  violently  opposed  to 
our  action  in  this  respect.  In  the  next  place  Cairo 
was  then  the  centre  of  disaffection,  and  as  it  was 
known  that  the  Egyptian  army,  reinforced  by 
Bedouins,  was  in  considerable  strength  and  entrench- 
ing at  Tel-el-Kebir,  on  the  verge  of  the  desert,  it 
was  probable  that  a  rapid  advance  from  Ismailia  and 
a  severe  defeat  of  the  enemy  would  cause  a  general 
collapse,  and  thus  save  Cairo  from  fire  and  pillage. 
These  various  considerations  determined  the  general 
plan  of  the  operations,  and  the  result  amply  justified 
the  anticipations  formed.  To  have  advanced  from 
Alexandria,  or  from  the  neighbouring  Bay  of  Aboukir, 


1882  MISLEADING   ARABI    PASHA  335 

would  have  entailed  a  long  and  difficult  march  south, 
through  the  Delta  of  the  Nile,  a  country  without 
roads  and  intersected  by  irrigating  canals.  Further, 
the  distance  to  Cairo  was  about  120  miles,  as  com- 
pared  with  75  from  Ismailia.  In  short,  no  striking  or 
rapid  result  could  be  anticipated  by  an  advance  from 
Alexandria,  and  in  the  meantime  Cairo  would  have 
been  left  at  the  mercy  of  a  mutinous  army,  and  of 
other  elements  of  disaffection  and  disorder. 

It  was  very  important  that  the  decision  as  to  enter- 
ing the  canal,  and  using  it  as  a  base,  should  be  kept 
secret ;  and  therefore,  on  the  arrival  of  our  troops  at 
Alexandria,  during  August,  it  was  ostentatiously 
announced  that  our  great  object  was  to  land  in 
strength  at  Aboukir  Bay,  and  from  that  position  and 
from  Alexandria  to  attack  Arabi  Pasha,  who  with  a 
large  force  was  entrenched  at  Kaffr-Dewar,  a  few 
miles  distant ;  and  fortunately  the  device  succeeded. 

All  being  ready,  the  British  fleet  and  transports 
left  Alexandria  on  the  afternoon  of  August  19,  a 
considerable  force  having  to  be  left  behind  tem- 
porarily for  the  protection  of  the  city.  In  order 
still  further  to  mislead  Arabi  Pasha,  the  fleet  and  the 
great  majority  of  the  transports  proceeded  in  the  first 
instance  to  Aboukir  Bay,  and  anchored  for  the  night ; 
a  few  shots  being  fired  at  the  works  on  shore. 
One  brigade,  however,  went  on  to  Port  Said,  which 
was  reached  on  the  20th,  when  the  two  ends  of  the 


336         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1882 

canal  were  temporarily  closed.  On  August  21,  Sir 
Garnet  Wolseley  1  and  staff  arrived  at  Ismailia  with 
the  brigade  of  General  Graham,  which  was  landed, 
pushed  on  at  once,  and  seized  the  railway  station  at 
Nefice,  two  miles  outside.  From  the  moment,  indeed, 
of  our  arrival  it  became  an  urgent  necessity  to  land 
troops  of  all  arms  as  fast  as  possible,  in  order  to  take 
possession  of  what  was  called  (somewhat  figuratively) 
the  Sweet- Water  canal  and  also  the  single  line  of 
railway  which  ran  parallel  to  each  other  in  the 
direct  line  of  our  destined  march  across  the  desert. 

Ismailia,  from  its  limited  resources  and  with  only 
a  small  wooden  pier,  was  not  well  adapted  for  the 
disembarkation  of  an  army.  However,  in  the  course 
of  three  days  nearly  9,000  men,  with  a  portion  of 
the  Household  Cavalry  and  two  Horse  Artillery  guns, 
had  been  landed.  As  the  water  in  the  Sweet- Water 
canal  began  to  fall  rapidly,  it  was  evident  that  the 
enemy  were  at  work  not  far  off  and  were  obstructing 
its  flow.  Accordingly,  at  daylight  on  the  24th  a  small 
force  advanced  into  the  desert,  and  found  the  enemy 
in  considerable  strength  at  Magfar,  about  six  miles 
from  Ismailia.  They  had  constructed  a  dam  across 
the  canal,  which  after  some  sharp  fighting  was 
captured,  the  Egyptians  falling  back  two  or  three 
miles  to  some  sandhills  at  Mahuta,  where  they  were 
in  considerable  numbers  and  entrenched. 

1  Now  Field  Marshal  Viscount  Wolseley,  G.C.B. 


i88a  ATTACK   ON    MAHUTA  337 

As  a  serious  engagement  was  likely  to  take  place 
at  Mahuta,  reinforcements  of  all  arms  were  pushed 
on  during  the  day  and  following  night  as  soon  as 
landed ;  the  Brigade   of  Guards  under   H.E.H.  the 
Duke  of  Connaught  having  to  make  a  hurried  and 
harassing   march   across   the  desert   in  the  extreme 
heat,  on  the  afternoon   of  the    24th.     At  daylight 
on   the   25th   the   British   troops   were   formed    up 
across    the   desert   at    Magfar   in    order    of    battle, 
and^advanced  to  the  attack  on  Tel-el-Mahuta.     But 
the   Egyptians   at   once   lost   heart,   and   were   ob- 
served to  be  retiring  in  haste,  partly  by  rail ;  and, 
being  followed  by  the  cavalry  and  horse  artillery, 
they  not   only  evacuated   their   strong   position   at 
Mahuta,  but  were  driven  out  of  Mahsamah,  eight 
miles  further  on,   where   seven  Krupp   guns,  large 
numbers  of  rifles,  and  a  quantity  of  ammunition,  food, 
stores,   camp   equipment,   and   seventy-five   railway 
waggons  fell  into  our  possession.     Considering  that 
the  troops  had  only  just  landed,  that  the  heat  was 
extreme,  and  that  the  cavalry  and  artillery   horses 
were  in  bad  condition  from  their  long  voyage,  these 
operations  of  the  24th  and  25th  were  not  only  highly 
successful,  but  were  very  creditable  to  the  various 
arms  engaged. 

Sir  Garnet  Wolseley  did  not  fail  to  take  full 
advantage  of  the  demoralisation  and  feeble  tactics 
of  the  enemy,  and  on  the  following  day  General 

z 


338        RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A  MILITARY  LIFE        1882 

Graham's  brigade  made  a  farther  advance  of  two  or 
three  miles  to  Kassassin  Lock  on  the  canal,  and 
within  a  few  miles  of  the  Egyptian  main  position  at 
Tel-el-Kebir.  Thus,  within  five  days  of  our  arrival 
at  Ismailia,  notwithstanding  the  restricted  facilities 
for  landing,  and  in  spite  of  the  difficulties  of  march- 
ing during  the  hottest  season  of  the  year  across  the 
desert,  we  had  been  able  to  drive  away  the  enemy 
and  to  take  possession  of  twenty  miles  of  the  fresh- 
water canal,  and  of  the  railway  and  telegraph  line. 

As  an  interval  of  some  days  now  elapsed  before 
further  movements  of  importance  took  place,  it  may 
be  interesting  to  give  a  short  summary  of  the  strategy 
of  the  Egyptian  leaders,  which  appears  to  have  been 
faulty  throughout.  In  the  first  place  they  divided 
their  main  forces  into  two  parts  far  removed  from 
each  other,  one  being  placed  in  front  of  Alexandria, 
and  the  other  behind  a  long  weak  line  of  entrench- 
ments across  the  desert  at  Tel-el-Kebir.  They  may 
no  doubt  have  been  somewhat  uncertain  at  the  out- 
set as  to  our  general  plan ;  but  at  all  events,  when 
the  arrival  at  Ismailia  had  made  our  intentions  clear, 
their  troops  outside  Alexandria  should  have  gone 
forthwith  to  the  scene  of  active  operations.  Instead 
of  doing  so,  they  remained  stationary  throughout 
the  short  campaign,  with  the  result  that  they  had 
eventually  to  disband  without  firing  a  shot.  In 
the  desert  they  were  equally  blind  to  the  real 


1882  MAHMOUD   FEHMI    PASHA  339 

position.  If  on  our  arrival  they  had  at  once  blocked 
the  fresh-water  canal,  diverted  its  stream  before  it 
had  reached  the  desert,  and  had  entirely  destroyed 
the  railway  and  telegraphic  lines,  they  would  at  all 
events  have  greatly  added  to  the  difficulties  and 
hardships  of  our  march.  By  neglecting  these  obvi- 
ous precautions,  they  enabled  us  within  a  week  to 
advance  and  hold  these  important  resources,  and 
to  establish  ourselves  at  Kassassin  Lock,  where,  as 
soorras  our  army  was  concentrated,  we  crushed  their 
power  by  capturing  their  main  position  and  brought 
the  war  to  an  end. 

In  addition  to  the  guns,  ammunition,  and  railway 
plant  secured  at  Mahsamah  on  the  25th,  we  were 
fortunate  also  in  taking  prisoner  Mahmoud  Fehmi 
Pasha,  one  of  the  chief  leaders  of  the  insurrection.  I 
had  a  short  interview  with  him  on  his  being  brought 
to  Ismailia.  He  was  naturally  rather  excited,  and,, 
speaking  in  French,  said  that  as  he  had  been  fighting 
against  us  we  could  dispose  of  him  as  we  chose. 
'  Fusillez-moi,  si  vous  voulez,'  he  remarked ;  but  he 
begged  not  to  be  handed  over  to  the  Khedive's 
Government,  as  they  would  torture  him.  He  added, 
that  he  knew  the  English  were  just  people ;  and  1 
replied  that  he  might  feel  sure  that  the  British 
Government  would  treat  him  as  a  prisoner  of  war,, 
and  give  him  a  fair  trial. 

In   sketching  the  history  of  a   campaign,   it   is- 

z  2 


340        RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1882 

always  desirable,  if  possible,  to  ascertain  the  views 
of  the  combatants  on  both  sides  ;  and  as  regards  the 
earlier  incidents  in  the  desert,  it  so  happens  that  we 
were  fortunate  enough  to  find  at  the  railway  stations 
copies  in  Arabic  of  various  telegrams  which  had 
been  sent  from  Cairo,  and  also  from  Arabi  Pasha  to 
the  Egyptian  leaders  on  the  spot ;  and  I  will  quote 
English  translations  of  a  few  of  them,  as  examples  of 
the  different  conclusions  which  two  opponents  may 
come  to  on  the  same  events. 

1.  'From   Under   Minister   of    War,    Cairo,    to 
Mahmoud   Pasha   Fehmi,    informing   him    that   his 
telegram  had  been  read  in  council,  and  compliment- 
ing him  on  his  victory  over  the  English  at  Mah- 
samah.' 

2.  '  From    the    Military   Commander,   Cairo,  to 
H.   E.   Eashid   Pasha   Husni.     We,  and   the   entire 
Egyptian  nation,  congratulate  your   Excellency   on 
your  defeat  of  the   enemy.     May   God   be   pleased 
to  bless  your  crusade.' 

3.  '  Telegram  of  three  pages  from  Arabi  Pasha, 
complimenting  Eashid  Pasha  Husni,  the  Commander 
of  the  Eastern  Division,  on  his  frequent  defeats  of 
the  English,  who  are  the  enemies  of  religion  and  of 
humanity.     Hopes  the  honour  of  the  Egyptian  nation 
may  be  written  with  the  blood  of  the  English.' 

Speaking    of    telegrams,    towards    the    end    of 
September,  when  the  British  army  had  arrived   at 


1882  BATTLE  AT   KASSASSIN  341 

Cairo  a  rather  bewildering  message  was  received  by 
us  from  Kaffir-Zoyat.  l  Atrocity  has  taken  place  in 
all  the  stations  from  the  inhabitants  and  immigrants. 
The  station  master  is  helpless,  and  now  is  the  time 
for  the  arrival  of  local  train.  The  station  master 
requires  help  soon.  A  copy  has  been  sent  to  Sultan 
Pasha.' 

Notwithstanding  the  congratulations  which  the 
Egyptian  generals  in  the  desert  had  received  on 
theif  imaginary  victories,  they  became  gradually 
alive  to  the  necessity  of  making  an  effort  to  recover 
their  lost  positions,  and  on  August  28,  Arabi  Pasha 
having  arrived,  they  seriously  attacked  Kassassin 
with  about  10,000  men  and  12  guns.  The  battle 
lasted  all  day,  with  occasional  intervals,  but  General 
Graham  (who  had  rather  less  than  2,000  men  under 
his  command),  supported  by  the  cavalry  and  horse 
artillery  from  Mahsamah  under  Sir  Drury  Lowe,  at 
length  drove  off  the  enemy,  and  their  retreat  was 
hastened  by  a  brilliant  cavalry  charge  after  dark  in 
the  desert.  Our  losses  on  the  occasion  in  killed  and 
wounded  were  97. 

Subsequent  to  this  attack  on  Kassassin  there  was 
a  lull  in  active  operations  for  about  a  fortnight. 
Although  the  rapidity  of  our  earlier  movements  had 
gained  us  possession  of  the  fresh-water  canal  and 
railway,  stiU,  as  both  had  been  blocked  with  large 
dams  and  embankments,  they  were  for  the  moment 


342         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1882 

of  limited  service  for  transport,  and  in  reality  we 
had,  as  it  were,  out-run  our  commissariat.  Con- 
sequently for  a  few  days  the  troops  suffered  some 
hardships,  although  their  general  health  was  not 
apparently  affected,  the  sick  list  being  less  than  six 
per  cent.  There  were  no  resources,  of  course,  in  the 
desert,  and  it  was  calculated  that  we  had  to  send 
forward  about  sixty  tons  a  day  of  food  and  forage. 
By  incessant  exertions,  however,  the  obstructions 
were  removed,  and  early  in  September  many  barges 
were  placed  on  the  fresh-water  canal ;  and,  the  single 
line  of  rail  and  the  telegraph  having  been  repaired, 
the  chief  difficulties  were  thus  overcome,  and  we 
were  able  to  send  up  about  250  tons  of  supplies 
daily.  From  that  moment  we  became  masters  of  the 
situation,  and  gradually  accumulated  a  large  reserve 
of  food,  forage,  munitions,  medical  and  other 
stores. 

The  Highland  Brigade  of  four  battalions,  with 
Sir  Edward  Hamley  and  Sir  Archibald  Alison,  had 
arrived  at  Ismailia  on  September  1,  and  by  the  12th 
the  British  forces  were  concentrated  at  Kassassin  in 
readiness  for  decisive  action.  Previously,  however, 
on  September  9,  a  considerable  portion  of  the 
Egyptian  army  from  Tel-el-Kebir  again  attacked 
the  position  at  Kassassin  at  daylight ;  but  we  were 
too  strong  for  them,  their  opportunity  was  gone, 
and  under  the  orders  of  General  Willis  our  troops 


1882  THE   ENEMY'S   DEFENCES  343 

advanced  boldly  across  the  desert,  and  drove  the 
enemy  back,  capturing  three  of  their  guns. 

Our  losses  on  the  occasion  were :  killed,  3 ; 
wounded,  77  ;  total,  80. 

Arabi's  estimate  was  very  different.  In  his  tele- 
gram, September  12,  to  the  Ministry  of  War,  Cairo, 
he  says  :  '  Moreover,  from  true  observation  it  has 
been  proved  to  us  that  the  number  of  the  enemy 
killed  and  remaining  on  the  field  of  battle  is  about 
2,500,  and  their  carts  were  insufficient  for  carrying 
off  the  wounded.' 

During  the  early  part  of  September,  reconnois- 
sances  were  made  with  a  view  of  ascertaining  the 
general  position  of  the  enemy's  defences,  and,  as 
far  as  possible,  their  armament  and  progress.  Our 
reconnoitring  parties  consisted  of  one  or  two  officers 
with  a  small  mounted  escort,  who  approached  the 
Egpytian  entrenchments  at  daylight  and  made 
careful  observations  from  different  parts  of  the 
desert ;  the  enemy  taking  little  or  no  notice  of  their 
appearance.  Indeed,  it  was  rather  remarkable  that, 
although  the  Egyptian  leaders  must  have  been 
aware  of  the  near  approach  of  the  British  army,  they 
apparently  sent  out  no  cavalry  at  night,  and  even 
their  infantry  pickets  were,  as  a  rule,  lying  about 
close  to  their  works  and  only  roused  themselves  at 
dawn.  The  right  of  the  enemy's  earthworks  rested 
on  the  fresh-water  canal,  and  then  stretched  away 


344         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A  MILITARY  LIFE        1882 

northerly  for  nearly  four  miles  across  the  desert, 
their  left  being  en  I'air.  Their  very  extent  was 
a  great  weakness.  So  far  as  could  be  ascertained 
before  the  battle,  the  entrenchments  towards  the 
canal,  which  were  subsequently  stormed  by  the 
Highlanders,  were  the  most  complete  and  formid- 
able, being  armed  with  many  Krupp  field-guns,, 
and  supported  by  retrenchments  inside.  About 
1,000  yards  in  advance  of  that  part  of  the  defences 
the  Egyptians  had  constructed  and  armed  a  detached 
outwork,  which,  curiously  enough,  escaped  the 
observation  of  our  reconnoitring  parties.  Most 
fortunately  when  we  advanced  on  the  13th,  and 
when  a  portion  of  our  troops  must  have  passed  close 
to  it  just  before  daylight,  they  were  not  discovered  ; 
otherwise  out  great  object  of  reaching  the  main  line 
of  works  unperceived  might  have  been  prematurely 
divulged  at  a  critical  moment.  The  Egyptian  forces 
were  estimated  as  being  about  38,000  men,  with  60 
guns,  of  which  we  captured  59. 

The  plan  of  attack  of  the  lines  of  Tel-el-Kebir 
was  one  requiring  the  greatest  care  and  considera- 
tion. The  enemy  had  been  for  several  weeks 
on  the  spot,  and  had  not  only  entrenched  their 
position  and  armed  it  with  many  guns,  but  the 
whole  of  the  ground  in  their  front  was  a  flat,  sandy 
desert,  without  cover  of  any  kind.  An  attack  by  us 
in  open  daylight  under  such  circumstances  must 


TEL-EL-KEBIR 


345 


inevitably  have  entailed  a  prolonged  conflict  and 
enormous  losses.  By  a  wide  flank  movement  we 
might,  no  doubt,  have  turned  their  left  with  com- 
parative ease,  and  have  captured  the  position  without 
great  loss,  experience  at  Tel-el-Mahuta  and  elsewhere 
having  proved  that  the  enemy  were  not  prepared 
for,  and  in  fact  would  not  stand  against  such  a 


Tel-el-Kebir 


SKETCH  TO  ILLUSTRATE 

BATTLE   OF  TEL-EL-KEBIR 

13  th.  Sept.  i88z. 


Walker  &  Boutall 


manoeuvre  ;  but,  as  Sir  Garnet  Wolseley  clearly 
stated  in  his  dispatch  after  the  battle,  i  It  would  not 
have  accomplished  the  object  I  had  in  view — namely, 
to  grapple  with  the  enemy  at  such  close  quarters 
that  he  should  not  be  able  to  shake  himself  free  from 
our  clutches  except  by  a  general  flight  of  all  his 
army.  I  wished  to  make  the  battle  a  final  one.  .  .  . 
My  desire  was  to  fight  him  decisively  when  he  wa& 


346         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1882 

in  the  open  desert,  before  he  could  take  up  fresh 
positions,  more  difficult  of  access,  in  the  cultivated 
country  in  his  rear.'  All  these  considerations  led  to 
the  decision  to  make  a  night  march  across  the  desert, 
to  be  followed  by  an  assault  along  the  whole  line  of 
entrenchments  at  dawn.  No  doubt  there  was  risk, 
but  the  object  to  be  attained  was  supreme,  and 
Wolseley  relied,  and  with  good  reason,  on  the 
steadiness  and  courage  of  his  troops. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  September  12  (twenty- 
four  hours  before  the  battle)  Sir  Garnet  Wolseley, 
accompanied  by  all  the  general  officers,  rode  out 
towards  Tel-el-Kebir,  so  as  to  arrive  at  daylight 
in  sight  of  the  works,  and  as  near  as  prudence 
would  allow ;  and  he  then  explained  to  them  his 
plan  of  attack,  and  gave  to  each  a  rough  sketch  of 
the  intended  formation,  which  is  shown  by  the 
diagram  on  preceding  page. 

The  day  preceding  the  battle  passed  quietly, 
and  no  movements  of  any  kind  gave  signs  of  the 
comirig  event.  As  soon  as  it  was  dark  the  whole  of 
the  tents  were  struck,  rolled  up,  and,  with  the  bag- 
gage, stacked  alongside  the  railway  and  left  behind. 
The  strength  of  the  army  was  about  12,000  infantry, 
2,700  cavalry,  and  2,400  artillery,  with  60  guns. 

During  the  early  part  of  the  night  the  troops 
moved  out  about  2,000  yards  into  the  desert,  and, 
having  taken  up  their  respective  positions,  bivou- 


i882  A   CALM   BEFORE   THE   STORM  347 

acked.  Perfect  silence  was  maintained  ;  no  lights 
were  permitted,  the  men  not  being  even  allowed  to 
smoke.  Except  the  occasional  neighing  of  a  horse, 
all  was  still.  The  general  direction  of  the  march 
was  west  and  by  north  ;  and  as  the  night  was  dark 
with  occasional  clouds,  and  as  the  stars  were  our 
only  guides,  Lieutenant  Eawson,  the  naval  aide-de- 
camp, volunteered  to  accompany  the  Highland 
brigade,  and  gave  them  the  benefit  of  his  experience 
in  regulating  their  course.1  At  half-past  one  in  the 
morning  the  march  was  resumed  ;  Admirals  Sir 
Beauchamp  Seymour,2  Sir  Anthony  Hoskins,  and 
several  other  naval  officers  who  had  done  so  much 
to  assist  us  in  all  the  difficulties  of  disembarkation 
and  transport,  joined  the  head  quarter  staff  and 
accompanied  us  during  the  operations.  The  enemy 
apparently  kept  no  look-out,  and  were  quite  unaware 
of  our  approach. 

Sir  Garnet  Wolseley  and  the  staff  during  the 
latter  part  of  the  march  rode  in  company  with  the 
Highlanders,  and  when  about  1,500  yards  from  the 
entrenchments  halted  and  dismounted,  in  order  to 
watch  the  development  of  the  attack  and  to  give 
such  orders  as  circumstances  might  render  necessary. 
A  battalion  of  the  Eoyal  Marine  Artillery  under 

1  This  gallant  young  naval  officer,  whose  services  were  so  valuable 
during  the  night  march,  unfortunately  received  a  wound  on  entering 
the  works,  of  which  he  died  a  few  days  afterwards. 

2  Now  Lord  Alcester. 


348         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1882 

Colonel  Tuson  remained  in  reserve  with  head  quarters. 
The  troops,  who  were  now  approaching  the  Egyptian 
position,  moved  steadily  forward  over  the  firm,  dry 
sand,  and  so  complete  was  the  silence  that  it  was 
difficult  to  realise  the  fact  that  two  armies  were  close 
to  each  other  and  just  about  to  meet  in  dire  conflict. 
At  about  4.45  A.M.  the  first  faint  glimmerings  of  the 
dawn  were  observed,  and  in  the  course  of  a  few 
minutes  some  straggling  musket  shots  were  heard, 
fired  evidently  by  the  feeble  pickets  of  the  enemy 
just  outside  their  works.  Then  all  along  the  line  in 
front  of  the  Highlanders  a  perfect  blaze  of  musketry 
fire  commenced,  and  continued  for  the  next  half-hour 
without  intermission.  The  Egyptian  artillery  were 
also  in  action,  but,  being  fired  at  a  high  elevation, 
their  shells  for  the  most  part  burst  wildly  all  over 
the  desert.  General  Graham's  brigade  on  the  right 
had  slightly  deviated  from  its  course  in  the  darkness. 
This,  however,  was  soon  rectified,  and  as  the  day 
dawned  the  leading  brigades,  in  the  most  gallant 
and  determined  manner,  stormed  the  whole  line  of 
the  enemy's  works ;  and  followed  up  by  the  Guards 
under  the  Duke  of  Connaught,  and  by  Colonel 
Ashburnham's  brigade  in  rear  of  the  Highlanders, 
they  swarmed  over  the  parapets  and  held  their 
ground  inside.  In  the  meantime  the  seven  batteries 
of  artillery  under  General  Goodenough,  in  the  centre 
of  the  line,  had  also  continued  their  advance  ;  and 


1882  FLIGHT   OF   THE   EGYPTIANS  349 

although  from  the  nature  of  the  assault  they  were 
unable  to  give  active  support  to  the  infantry  at  the 
first  onset,  they  watched  their  opportunity,  and  as 
soon  as  our  men  were  on  the  crest  of  the  parapets, 
several  batteries  succeeded  in  getting  through  the 
works,  and,  by  following  up  the  Egyptians,  contri- 
buted to  their  defeat  and  flight.  One  battery,  just 
before  entering  the  entrenchments,  was  brought  into 
action  against  the  detached  outwork  which  I  have 
previously  mentioned,  and,  taking  it  in  reverse,  led 
to  its  immediate  abandonment  by  the  enemy. 

At  length  came  the  opportunity  for  the  cavalry 
and  horse  artillery  under  General  Drury  Lowe. 
They  had  purposely  been  held  back  until  the  infantry 
had  established  their  footing  on  the  works,  but  then, 
sweeping  round  the  northern  extremity,  they  charged 
the  retreating  Egyptians,  who  were  now  in  headlong 
flight  all  over  the  country,  and  also  captured  several 
trains  and  locomotives  on  the  railway.  It  is  neces- 
sary now  to  turn  to  the  movements  of  Sir  Herbert 
McPherson,  who,  with  the  Seaforth  Highlanders  and 
part  of  the  Indian  contingent,  marched  from  Kassassin 
during  the  night  on  the  south  side  of  the  canal,  sup- 
ported on  their  right  by  a  naval  battery  of  Gatlings, 
which  moved  along  the  railway.  Their  advance 
was  never  checked,  and  after  some  smart  skirmishing 
in  the  cultivated  ground  near  the  village,  and  taking 
twelve  guns,  they  arrived  at  the  bridge  at  Tel-el- 


350        RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1882 

Kebir  on  one  side,  just  as  our  other  victorious  troops 
had  reached  it  on  the  opposite  bank. 

The  short  account  I  have  given  of  the  various 
movements  in  the  field  during  the  eventful  night 
march,  and  the  battle  at  the  dawn,  will,  I  think, 
afford  proofs  not  only  of  the  gallantry  and  perfect 
discipline  of  the  troops  of  all  arms  engaged,  but  also 
of  the  skill  and  care  with  which  the  general  officers 
in  command  had  carried  out  their  arduous  and 
anxious  duties.  The  severe  fight  within  the  entrench- 
ments did  not  last  much  more  than  half  an  hour,  and 
the  Egyptians,  finding  their  works  and  guns  all 
captured,  broke  and  fled  in  thousands,  throwing 
away  their  arms,  Arabi  having  been  one  of  the  first 
to  make  his  escape.  The  entrenchments  inside  were 
crowded  with  dead  and  wounded  ;  and  in  addition  to 
59  guns,  an  immense  quantity  of  arms,  ammunition, 
and  stores,  together  with  the  whole  of  their  large 
camp,  fell  into  our  possession.  The  Egyptian  losses 
amounted  to  1,500  killed  and  about  3,000  prisoners, 
large  numbers  of  them  being  wounded.  The  losses 
of  the  British  army  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing 
were  459. 

The  victory  was  complete,  but  no  time  was  lost  in 
taking  advantage  of  the  flight  and  utter  disorganisa- 
tion of  the  enemy.  Sir  Herbert  McPherson's  force, 
strengthened  by  a  battery  of  artillery,  marched  at 
once  along  the  line  of  railway  to  Zagazig,  and,  arriving 


1882  SURRENDER   OF  ARABI    PASHA  351 

during  the  afternoon,  captured  several  trains  and 
locomotives,  the  Egyptian  soldiers  bolting  without 
firing  a  shot.  The  movements  of  the  cavalry  division 
are  graphically  described  in  Sir  Garnet  Wolseley's 
despatch  :  '  Major  General  Lowe  was  ordered  to 
push  on  with  all  possible  speed  to  Cairo.  .  .  .  These 
orders  were  ably  carried  out,  General  Lowe  reaching 
the  great  barracks  of  Abbassich  just  outside  Cairo,  at 
4.45  P.M.  on  the  14th  instant.  The  cavalry  marched 
65  miles  in  these  two  days.  The  garrison  of  about 
10,000  men,  summoned  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  H. 
Stewart  to  surrender,  laid  down  their  arms,  and  our 
troops  took  possession  of  the  citadel.  A  message 
was  sent  to  Arabi  Pasha  calling  upon  him  to  surrender 
forthwith,  which  he  did  unconditionally.  He  was 
accompanied  by  Toulba  Pasha,  who  was  also  one  of 
the  leading  rebels  in  arms  against  the  Khedive/ 

The  divisions  of  General  McPherson  and  Drury 
Lowe  having  thus  been  despatched  to  Zagazig  and 
Cairo,  the  head  quarter  staff  and  remainder  of  the 
army  rested  for  the  day  on  the  field  of  Tel-el-Kebir, 
awaiting  the  final  denouement.  In  fact,  the  result  of 
the  battle  of  the  13th  and  the  flight  of  the  Egyptian 
forces  became  known  by  telegraph  throughout  the 
country  in  the  course  of  a  few  hours,  and  the  war 
came  to  a  sudden  termination.  The  medical  arrange- 
ments at  Tel-el-Kebir  were  admirably  carried  out. 
As  soon  as  the  position  had  been  taken,  large 


352         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1882 

marquees  were  erected  close  to  the  fresh-water  canal, 
and  our  wounded  officers  and  men,  having  been 
attended  to,  were  then  conveyed  in  covered  barges  to 
Ismailia  ;  thus  avoiding  a  long  rough  journey  in 
carts  across  the  sandy  desert.  Late  in  the  afternoon, 
I  rode  along  the  captured  entrenchments,  the  grouncj. 
being  covered  with  dead  and  wounded  Egyptians — 
the  latter  faint  and  helpless,  and  praying  for  water. 
Parties  of  our  men  had  been  sent  out  during  the  day 
with  carts  of  provisions  and  barrels  of  water,  and  did 
all  in  their  power  to  mitigate  the  sufferings  of  these 
poor  creatures.  Thousands  of  muskets  and  vast 
quantities  of  ammunition  lying  about  were  broken 
up,  and  then  buried. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  14th  the  head  quarter 
staff,  accompanied  by  the  Duke  of  Connaught  and 
Prince  Teck,  with  a  part  of  the  Brigade  of  Guards, 
left  the  field  of  battle  by  rail  for  Zagazig ;  but  the 
line  was  a  single  one  and  in  disorder,  so  that  we  were 
constantly  delayed,  and  did  not  arrive  till  9  o'clock 
P.M.  Our  baggage  animals  were  wandering  about 
somewhere  in  the  desert,  and  none  of  us  had  even  a 
change  of  clothes  ;  and,  with  the  exception  of  a  tin  of 
meat,  a  few  biscuits ,  and  bottle  of  claret — fortunately 
brought  by  the  Duke  of  Connaught,  who  kindly 
shared  his  scanty  supplies  with  us — we  had  no  food. 
Our  troops  of  all  arms  were  marching  along  the  line 
of  railway,  and  once,  when  we  were  detained,  a  weary 


1882  A  WELCOME   CHANGE  353 

gunner  passed  the  carriage,  and  on  being  asked  where 
he  was  going  replied,  '  To  Zig-zag.'  Two  other 
gunners  had  captured  a  dromedary,  and  were  riding 
along  in  high  spirits.  The  inhabitants  of  the  villages 
as  we  passed  through  the  cultivated  country  came 
out  and  salaamed,  and  seemed  quite  happy.  They 
had  stuck  poles  with  white  rags  flying  on  the  tops  of 
their  houses  in  token  of  surrender.  Altogether  it 
was  an  interesting  and  amusing  scene.  I  slept  that 
night-on  the  railway  platform  at  Zagazig,  surrounded 
by  myriads  of  flies.  However,  these  were  the  last  of 
our  hardships,  if  such  they  can  be  called  ;  and  on  the 
following  morning  we  arrived  by  train  at  Cairo,  and 
were  cordially  received ;  in  fact,  the  whole  population 
had  turned  out  in  the  streets  to  give  us  welcome. 
Every  English  soldier  walking  about  was  followed  by 
an  admiring  crowd.  The  Khedive,  telegraphing  from 
Alexandria,  placed  the  Abdin  Palace  at  the  disposal 
of  the  staff  and  begged  us  to  consider  ourselves  as 
his  guests.  From  a  small  tent  in  the  desert  to  a  royal 
palace  in  two  days — with  a  battle  in  the  interval — was 
certainly  an  unusual  but  welcome  change  of  scene. 
There  was,  however,  one  drawback.  Although  the 
Abdin  Palace  contained  suites  of  handsome  state 
apartments,  gorgeous  in  satin  and  gold,  there  were 
no  bed-rooms !  Whether  rulers  in  Egypt  never 
sleep,  or  whatever  the  explanation,  we  had  to  make 

A  A 


354         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1882 

the  best  of  it,  and  I  took  possession  of  one  large 
state  room ;  but  my  little  camp-bed  looked  very 
shabby  and  insignificant  amidst  such  splendid  sur- 
roundings. There  were  upwards  of  100  wax  candles 
in  glass  chandeliers  hanging  from  the  ceiling. 

As  several  thousand  Egyptian  soldiers  were  still 
in  arms  on  our  arrival  at  Cairo,  many  of  them  in  a 
large  barrack  just  opposite  the  palace,  an  order  was 
sent  over  that  they  were  to  give  up  their  muskets 
and  were  then  free  to  return  to  their  homes.  Hardly 
had  the  order  been  received  than  it  was  acted  on,  and 
crowds  of  them,  divested  of  their  uniforms,  were  seen 
running  as  if  for  their  lives,  and  in  a  few  minutes  the 
barrack  was  deserted.  I  inquired  the  reason  of  their 
extreme  haste,  and  was  informed  that  the  news  was 
so  good  they  could  hardly  believe  it  to  be  true,  and 
were  afraid  we  might  change  our  minds  and  detain 
them.  The  incident  I  have  mentioned  affords  a  good 
indication  of  the  real  feeling  of  the  inhabitants,  who 
were  not  anxious  to  fight  anybody,  but  rather  to  be 
allowed  to  return  and  live  in  peace  in  their  native 
villages.  Egypt  is  probably  not  the  only  country  in 
which  these  sentiments  largely  prevail,  but  do  not 
always  find  expression. 

In  the  prison  within  the  citadel  we  found  a  large 
number  of  people  in  chains  ;  criminals,  political  pri- 
soners, even  Arab  women  and  children,  and  two 


i882  ARABI    PASHA   IN   PRISON  355 

English  subjects  (Maltese)  all  jumbled  together,  ill- 
treated,  and  nearly  starved.  Separating  the  real 
criminals,  after  inquiry,  the  remainder  were  set  free, 
and  by  way  of  a  change  the  jailor  was  placed  in  one 
of  the  cells. 

In  some  small  rooms  in  a  corner  of  the  great 
barrack,  in  Abdin  Square,  Arabi  and  Toulba  Pashas 
were  confined  as  prisoners,  with  an  English  guard 
over  them.  As  there  were  several  passages  and 
staircases  about  the  place,  with  Arab  servants  and 
others  constantly  going  to  and  fro,  and  as,  to  an 
English  sentry,  one  native  is  very  like  another,  there 
seemed  a  possibility  of  Arabi's  attempting  to  escape. 
So,  under  pretext  of  calling  to  inquire  as  to  his  health 
(for  he  had  been  unwell),  I  paid  him  a  visit,  with  an 
interpreter,  in  order  to  inspect  the  premises.  Arabi 
came  up  and  shook  hands,  and,  on  my  asking  if  he 
were  better,  he  replied  that  now  I  had  come  to  see 
him  he  was  quite  well — which  was  encouraging. 
Then  he  went  on  to  say  that  the  English  were  famous 
for  their  love  of  freedom,  of  liberty,  and  of  justice, 
and  that,  relying  on  our  honour,  he  had  surrendered 
unconditionally.  He  seemed  inclined  to  enter  into 
a  discussion,  so  I  replied  that  no  doubt  his  case 
would  receive  careful  consideration  and  justice  from 
the  British  Government.  He  did  not  strike  me 
as  a  man  of  much  education  or  intelligence.  Subse- 

A.  2 


356         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A    MILITARY   LIFE         1882 

quently,  Colonel  Thynne,  Grenadier  Guards,  was 
specially  appointed  to  take  charge  of  him.1 

Although  during  the  short  period  of  active  opera- 
tions our  troops  had  enjoyed  excellent  health,  not- 
withstanding the  heat  and  the  occasional  hardships 
they  had  undergone,  soon  after  their  arrival  at  Cairo 
considerable  numbers  were  struck  down  by  fever 
and  dysentery ;  probably  attributable  to  the  bad 
water  in  the  canal  at  Kassassin,  and  partly  to  the 
insanitary  condition  of  Cairo  itself.  Acting  on 
advice,  large  numbers  of  the  sick  were  conveyed  by 
rail  to  Alexandria,  embarked  for  home,  and  speedily 
recovered  at  sea. 

Without  wishing  to  exaggerate  the  events  of  the 
campaign,  I  think  it  will  be  admitted  that  the  difficult 
arrangements  connected  with  the  embarkation  of  our 
troops  were  carefully  carried  out ;  and  that  the  ex- 

1  Visiting  card  of  Arabi  Pasha,  found  at  Tel-el-Kebir. 


i882  AUDIENCE   WITH   THE   KHEDIVE  357 

pedition  was  conducted  with  great  promptitude  and 
success.  These  results  testify  to  the  efficiency  of  the 
naval  and  military  administration  at  home,  and  also 
to  the  courage  and  discipline  of  the  two  services  under 
somewhat  trying  circumstances.  From  a  financial 
point  of  view,  the  rapidity  of  the  operations  enabled 
us  on  arrival  at  Cairo  at  once  largely  to  reduce  ex- 
penditure, by  cancelling  contracts  for  food,  forage, 
transport  animals,  and  stores  at  various  ports  in  the 
Mediterranean.  So  sudden,  indeed,  was  the  transition 
from  war  to  peace,  and  so  completely  had  the  insur- 
rection collapsed,  that  in  the  course  of  a  few  weeks 
a  large  proportion  of  our  forces  were  withdrawn  from 
the  country  and  returned  to  England.  The  campaign 
being  at  an  end,  I  left  Egypt  early  in  October  in  order 
to  resume  my  duties  as  Surveyor  General  in  the  War 
Office  ;  but  before  embarking  had  a  farewell  audience 
with  the  Khedive,  Ibrahim  Tew-fik.  I  had  had  inter- 
views with  him  on  one  or  two  occasions  previously. 
He  was  quiet  and  friendly  in  manner,  and  apparently 
of  a  gentle  disposition  ;  was  cordial  in  his  recog- 
nition of  the  good  services  rendered  to  him  by  the 
British  forces.  I  said  I  hoped  that  the  conduct  of 
our  men  since  their  arrival  at  Cairo  had  been  satis- 
factory, and  he  at  once  expressed  his  admiration  of 
their  good  discipline,  and  remarked  that  in  every 
respect,  whether  in  the  streets  or  in  the  bazaars, 
their  conduct  had  been  most  orderly.  What  vexed  him 


358         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1882 

was  that  some  of  his  people  in  the  bazaars  cheated 
our  men,  and  demanded  extravagant  prices  for  their 
goods.  I  assured  him,  however,  that  he  need  not 
worry  himself  on  that  point,  as  the  English  soldiers 
would  readily  discover  the  market  value,  and  matters 
would  soon  find  their  level ;  and  that  they  enjoyed 
their  visit  to  Cairo. 

Statements  were  current  at  the  time  that  the  Khe- 
dive was  not  really  loyal  to  England.  On  this  being 
brought  to  his  notice,  it  is  said,  and  I  believe  truly, 
that  he  observed :  '  Not  loyal  to  the  English  ?  When 
my  country  was  in  insurrection  and  my  authority 
and  life  in  danger,  there  was  only  one  power  in 
Europe  which  would  move  a  finger  to  help  me — and 
that  was  England.  If  I  am  not  faithful  to  them  it 
woulc^  be  strange  indeed ! " 


CHAPTER  XXIX 

GIBRALTAR — ITS  VALUE  FROM  A  NAVAL  AND  COMMERCIAL 
POINT  OP  VIEW — ZOBEHR  PASHA  A  STATE  PRISONER 
SANITARY  CONDITION  OF  GIBRALTAR. 

SOON  after  my  return  from  the  expedition  to  Egypt  I 
was  appointed  Governor  of  Gibraltar,  and  on  January 
2,  1883,  took  over  the  command  from  my  dis- 
tinguished predecessor,  Field  Marshal  Lord  Napier 
of  Magdala. 

Before  alluding  to  the  present  position  of  Gibral- 
tar, and  to  the  duties  in  connection  with  it  during 
my  tenure  of  office,  it  may  be  as  well  to  refer  shortly 
to  its  eventful  history  in  the  past.  One  of  the  most 
ancient  fortresses  in  Europe,  it  owes  its  exceptional 


360         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE        1883 

interest  and  importance  partly  to  its  position  at  the 
entrance  to  the  Mediterranean  and  partly  from  its 
vicinity  to  the  kingdom  of  Morocco.  From  the  early 
part  of  the  eighth  century,  when  first  occupied  and 
fortified  by  the  Moors,  it  became,  as  it  were,  their 
chief  base  of  operations  in  the  gradual  conquest  of 
the  greater  part  of  Spain.  Its  history  in  those  days 
is  indeed  one  continual  record  for  several  centuries 
of  sieges,  and  of  battles  fought  in  its  vicinity ;  and 
although  retaken  in  1309,  and  held  for  a  few  years  by 
the  Spanish  forces,  it  may  be  said  to  have  been  in  pos- 
session of  the  Moors  during  almost  the  whole  of  the 
eight  hundred  years  of  their  rule  in  that  country. 
During  that  long  period  its  value  was  chiefly  of  a 
military  character ;  and  it  is  only  in  more  recent 
times,  as  circumstances  in  Europe  gradually  changed, 
that  its  unique  position  in  regard  to  naval  power  in 
the  Mediterranean  has  been  fully  recognised  and  de- 
veloped. 

Subsequently  to  the  expulsion  of  the  Moors  in  the 
sixteenth  century  it  was  held  by  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment, but  its  defences  were  apparently  neglected 
and  its  importance  little  appreciated ;  so  that  when 
attacked  by  the  British  fleet  under  Admiral  Eooke  in 
1704  it  was  captured  with  comparative  ease,  its 
possession  being  confirmed  to  us  by  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht  in  1713.  Since  that  date,  although  it  has 
undergone  several  sieges — notably  that  by  the  allied 


1 883  GIBRALTAR  361 

armies  and  fleets  of  France  and  Spain,  which,  lasted 
from  1779  to  1782,  it  has  successfully  resisted  all 
attacks ;  and  its  past  history  would  appear  to  prove 
that,  if  properly  armed  and  resolutely  held,  it  is 
practically  safe  from  capture  by  land  or  sea. 

Coming  down  to  modern  days,  the  first  and 
perhaps  the  most  important  point  relates  to  its 
value  as  a  harbour ;  and  in  this  respect  it  is,  and 
always  has  been,  somewhat  defective  from  a  naval 
point  of  view  in  time  of  war.  Although  its  anchor- 
age is  so  far  good  that  well-found  vessels  can 
remain  there  in  safety  during  the  heaviest  weather, 
still  it  cannot  be  considered  a  harbour  in  the  ordinary 
technical  sense.  It  has  no  narrow  entrance  or 
channel  which  by  means  of  land  armaments,  lines 
of  torpedoes,  or  other  means  can  be  absolutely  denied 
to  a  hostile  fleet.  In  fact,  it  is  an  open  bay  several 
miles  wide.  These  general  conditions  are,  of  course, 
permanent ;  but  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the  increased 
range,  power,  and  accuracy  of  modern  ordnance  have 
to  some  extent  given  the  fortress  a  greater  command 
over  the  sea  approaches  than  it  had  in  former  days ; 
so  that,  although  hostile  vessels  cannot  be  absolutely 
interdicted  from  paying  flying  visits  in  war,  they 
would  be  unable  without  great  risk  to  remain  for 
any  length  of  time  within  range.  The  conditions 
of  modern  warfare,  therefore,  have  not  been  of  an 
unfavourable  character  in  that  respect.  Another 


362         RECOLLECTIONS    OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1883 

point  has  to  be  noticed.  The  shores  of  the  bay 
consist  for  the  most  part  of  territory  belong- 
ing to  Spain  ;  consequently,  its  waters  are  more 
or  less  under  the  command  of  that  country,  and 
the  improvement  in  modern  artillery,  no  doubt,  has 
extended  their  power  in  this  respect.  It  is,  how- 
ever, clear  that  only  in  the  event  of  war  with 
Spain  would  this  aspect  of  the  case  assume  im- 
portance ;  and,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  so  little  is  the 
contingency  regarded  that  no  batteries  containing 
modern  armaments  have  been  erected  along  their 
coast.  On  the  whole,  although  the  position  of 
Gibraltar  may  not  in  all  respects  be  an  ideal  one,  its 
general  conditions  remain  very  much  as  they  always 
have  been ;  and  to  a  great  naval,  colonial,  and  com- 
mercial nation  such  as  Great  Britain  it  is  of  the 
highest  value,  not  only  in  war,  but  also  in  peace. 

Its  possession  gives  us  a  place  of  rendezvous 
and  of  observation  for  our  fleets  ;  so  that  in  time  of 
war,  with  ordinary  vigilance,  no  hostile  vessels  can 
enter  or  leave  the  Mediterranean  without  our  know- 
ledge. That  of  itself  is  an  important  consideration. 
We  are  also  enabled  to  maintain  within  the  for- 
tress reserves  of  naval  munitions,  food,  coals,  and 
stores,  available  for  our  vessels  of  war,  either  in 
the  Mediterranean  or  coming  from  the  Atlantic.  Its 
value,  however,  is  not  limited  to  a  period  of  war. 
Gibraltar  has  been  for  many  a  year  to  a  certain 


1884  COMMERCE   OF   GIBRALTAR  363 

extent  a  centre  of  trade,  not  only  with  the  neigh- 
bouring towns  of  Spain,  but  also  with  the  ports  along 
the  coast  of  Morocco.  And  since  the  opening  of  the 
Suez  Canal  its  mercantile  interests  have  greatly  in- 
creased, the  number  of  trading  and  passenger  vessels 
of  all  nations  calling  in  daily  for  provisions  and 
coals  and  other  requisites  being  much  larger  than 
of  yore,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  following  table, 
giving  the  number  and  tonnage  of  vessels  calling  at 
Gibfaltar  during  1868  and  1893  respectively  : — 


Year 

Number  of  vessels  calling 

Total  tonnage 

1868 
1893 

4,471 
5,172 

1,519,046 
4,637,454 

As  a  proof  of  its  commercial  activity  I  may  point 
out  that  Linea,  which  five  and  twenty  years  ago  was 
a  mere  Spanish  village  at  the  other  end  of  the  neutral 
ground,  is  now  a  town  of  twelve  thousand  people, 
large  numbers  of  whom  visit  Gibraltar  daily,  bringing 
in  supplies  of  food,  forage,  vegetables,  and  fruit,  &c., 
and  leaving  again  at  night  with  English  goods.  In 
fact,  it  has  become  a  suburb,  as  it  were,  of  the  city. 
The  trading  facilities  of  Gibraltar  are  beneficial  to 
the  country  round,  and  are  fully  appreciated  by  the 
inhabitants  of  that  part  of  Andalusia.  Taking  all 
these  matters  into  consideration,  it  will,  I  think,  be 
apparent  that  the  value  of  the  city  and  fortress  to 
this  country  are  greater  now  even  than  in  former  days. 


364         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1884 

It  is  no  doubt  quite  natural  that  the  Govern- 
ment and  people  of  Spain  should  feel  regret  at  the 
permanent  occupation  of  Gibraltar  by  a  foreign 
power ;  and  it  has  been  suggested  that  we  should 
accept  in  exchange  the  town  and  fortress  of  Ceuta, 
which  holds  a  somewhat  analogous  position  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Straits  and  which  belongs 
to  Spain,  and  thus  remove  any  cause  for  unfriendly 
feeling  on  their  part.  The  question,  however,  is  not 
so  simple  as  at  first  sight  it  would  appear.  As- 
suming for  the  moment  that  the  strategical  value  of 
Ceuta  as  a  naval  station  equals  that  of  Gibraltar, 
on  which  I  offer  no  decided  opinion,  it  is  by  no 
means  certain  that  the  proposal  if  made  by  us 
would  be  accepted.  The  Spanish  Government  are 
very  tenacious  of  their  possessions  on  the  coast  of 
Morocco,  as  giving  them  great  influence  in  that 
country.  Their  apparent  desire  is  to  hold  a  power- 
ful, if  not  a  predominating,  influence  on  both  sides 
of  the  straits ;  and,  although  they  would  no  doubt 
gladly  obtain  possession  of  Gibraltar,  it  does  not 
therefore  follow  that  they  would  give  up  posses- 
sion of  one  of  their  most  valuable  positions  on  the 
opposite  coast  in  exchange.  Other  Mediterranean 
powers  also  are  carefully  watching  events  in 
Morocco,  and  it  is  very  possible  they  might  not 
acquiesce  in  our  occupation  of  Ceuta.  These  are 
diplomatic  rather  than  military  questions,  and  I 


1884  TWO-FOLD   ASPECT  365 

only  allude  to  them  as  proofs  that  the  subject  is 
rather  involved  and  goes  beyond  a  mere  ex- 
change of  territory.  So  far  as  Morocco  is  concerned, 
its  present  condition  is  deplorable.  It  is  a  country 
situated  only  a  few  miles  from  Europe,  with  an 
excellent  climate  and  great  agricultural  and  mineral 
resources ;  inhabited,  moreover,  by  a  fine,  brave  race 
of  people,  and  yet,  notwithstanding  these  advantages, 
owing  partly  to  the  jealousies  of  its  neighbours,  its 
resources  remain  undeveloped,  whilst  its  government 
is  weak  and  cruel  to  a  degree. 

In  considering  the  two-fold  aspect  of  Gibraltar  as 
a  fortress  and  a  commercial  city  combined,  it  is 
sometimes  argued  that  its  dual  interests  are  antago- 
nistic, and  that  the  presence  of  a  large  civil  population 
would  add  to  the  difficulties  of  its  defence.  To  a 
certain  extent  no  doubt  the  position  is  anomalous,  as 
in  other  fortified  cities.  Should  hostilities  occur,  and 
should  the  fortress  be  seriously  threatened,  its  trade 
would  certainly  suffer  and  a  considerable  proportion 
of  the  inhabitants  would  probably  seek  temporary 
refuge  elsewhere.  Still  we  must  bear  in  mind  that 
war  is  the  exception ;  and  as  not  a  shot  has  been  fired 
at  Gibraltar  for  upwards  of  a  century,  it  would  appear 
senseless  to  paralyse  its  commercial  advantages  in 
time  of  peace  in  anticipation  of  what  an  enemy  might 
attempt  to  accomplish  in  war.  In  short,  the  remedy 
would  be  far  worse  than  the  disease. 


366         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE 

The  shipping  trade  of  Gibraltar  in  the  present 
day  is  subject  to  one  disadvantage,  from  the  absence 
of  any  wharves  for  coaling  the  numerous  steam 
vessels  which  call  daily  throughout  the  year.  In 
order  to  remedy  this  deficiency,  the  coal  reserves  of 
the  mercantile  marine  are  stored  in  large  old  wooden 
hulks,  about  thirty-five  in  number,  which  are  moored 
in  echelon  down  the  bay,  inconveniently  crowding 
the  anchorage.  The  arrangement  is  not  only  costly 
in  the  purchase  and  maintenance  of  the  hulks,  but  in 
time  of  war  they  would  be  liable  to  be  sunk  either 
by  ramming  or  by  torpedoes.  The  difficulty,  however, 
could  be  met  by  an  extension  of  the  new  mole  pier, 
and  by  the  construction  of  a  wharf  from  the  Eagged 
Staff  bastion ;  which  would  not  only  enclose  a  con- 
siderable area  of  deep  water  and  give  facilities  for 
coaling  vessels,  both  of  war  and  of  commerce,  but 
would  also  enable  a  large  reserve  of  coals  to  be 
maintained  on  shore,  under  protection  of  the  guns  of 
the  fortress.  The  enclosed  area  would  also  be 
an  appropriate  site  for  the  proposed  dock. 

One  of  the  first  subjects  brought  to  my  consi- 
deration on  arrival  as  Governor,  was  that  of  coal- 
ing merchant  vessels  at  night.  Ever  since  the  days  of 
the  great  siege  it  had  been  the  custom  to  close  and 
lock  up  all  the  gates  of  the  city  at  sunset,  and  to 
prevent  any  communication  with  the  outer  world 
until  the  following  morning ;  just  as  if  an  enemy 


i88s  AMUSING   REGULATIONS  367 

at  the  gate  outside  were  waiting  to  rush  in  and 
take  possession.  One  consequence  of  this  extreme 
vigilance  was  that  all  vessels  arriving  after  dark  had 
to  remain  at  anchor  for  many  hours  before  their  wants 
could  be  supplied.  A  deputation  of  merchants 
represented  to  me  that  great  advantage  would  arise 
if  the  detention  could  be  avoided.  Their  request 
seemed  reasonable  enough,  and  as  on  inquiry  it 
appeared  that  their  wishes  could  be  met  by  permit- 
ting^ a  few  coal-heavers  to  leave  the  city  at  night, 
orders  were  given  accordingly ;  and  the  result  not 
only  obviated  the  inconvenience,  but  led  to  an  in- 
crease in  the  vessels  visiting  the  port,  thus  adding 
considerably  to  the  harbour  dues. 

The  old  records  of  Gibraltar1  during  the  eighteenth 
century  contain  some  interesting  and  amusing 
regulations  concerning  matters  both  of  civil  ad- 
ministration and  army  discipline,  and  I  will  quote 
a  few  examples. 

'  Any  donkeys  loose  in  the  town  are  to  be  the 
property  of  the  person  taking  them  away,  and  any 
straying  on  the  ramparts  are  to  be  shot  by  the 
sentries. 

4  Fishermen  are  only  to  sell  their  fish  after  the 
servant  of  the  Governor  has  bought  what  he  re- 
quires. 

'Whatever  suttler  doth  not  inform  against  men 

1  See  Gibraltar  Directory,  in  which  many  others  are  recorded. 


368          RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1885 

that  swear  in  their  houses  contrary  to  the  orders 
given  out  shall  be  turned  out  of  town. 

'  A  hat  having  been  taken  from  the  Convent  by 

some  gentleman  who  left  his  own  instead,  Mr.  

takes  this  method  that  the  gentleman  may  exchange 
hats  if  he  pleases. 

'  No  gaming  to  be  allowed  in  wine  houses,  par- 
ticularly including  the  games  of  the  devil-and-the 
taylors  and  skuttles. 

'  All  oysters  which  come  from  Portugal  are  to 
lie  in  the  sea  for  at  least  a  fortnight  before  they  are 
brought  into  the  garrison,  as  they  are  found  very 
unwholesome  without  this  precaution. 

£  If  sentries  are  attacked  by  bullocks  in  the  streets 
or  on  the  Line  Wall,  they  are  to  retire  into  an  em- 
brasure or  get  upon  the  parapet ;  but  they  are  not  to 
fire  inconsiderately. 

'  A  loose  ball  and  a  charge  of  powder  in  a  cane 
is  to  be  issued  to  each  man  on  guard  to  save  their 
cartridges.  The  loose  ball  to  be  carried  in  the  cock 
of  their  hats. 

'  On  account  of  the  scarcity  of  flour  soldiers 
are  not  to  have  their  hair  powdered  till  further 
orders. 

'  Officers  and  non-commissioned  officers  com- 
manding guards  are  frequently  to  send  out  patrols 
through  the  day  with  their  arms  unloaded  to  kill 
every  dog  they  see  going  about  the  streets. 


1885  CURIOUS   REGULATIONS  369 

'  The  Governor  recommends  it  to  the  commanding 
officers  of  regiments  to  give  directions  that  the 
cartridges  may  not  be  made  too  large  for  firing  at 
exercise  or  reviews,  some  barrels  of  firelocks  having 
split  in  firing. 

4  No  person  whatever  is  to  be  suffered  to  go  on 
the  Line  Wall  or  ramparts  in  a  night-gown,  night-cap, 
or  binyan  on  any  pretence  whatever,  and  all  sentries 
are  to  turn  off  such  as  shall  attempt  to  come  near 
their"posts  in  any  of  the  said  dresses  without  distinc- 
tion of  persons. 

'  All  sentinels  who  do  not  call  out  "  All's  well '' 
every  half  minute  shall  be  punished  with  two  hundred 
lashes. 

'  The  queue  is  to  be  fixed  to  the  hair  of  the  head, 
but  when  an  officer's  hair  is  not  long  enough  for  this 
purpose  he  may  be  allowed  to  fix  the  queue  otherwise 
till  his  hair  is  sufficiently  long,  but  this  is  not  to 
continue  longer  than  two  months  on  any  account. 

'  No  one  to  suffer  any  person  to  stand  at  their  doors 
or  go  into  the  streets  that  has  marks  of  the  small- 
pox. No  mackerel  to  be  suffered  to  come  into  town. 

'  No  woman  to  beat  a  soldier  ;  the  first  that  doth 
shall  be  whipped  and  turned  out  of  town.' 

4  Any  man  who  has  the  misfortune  to  be  killed  is 
to  be  buried  by  the  guard  where  it  happens,  and  his 
clothes  to  be  sent  to  his  regiment. 

'  Officers    at    guard-mounting   will    bring    their 

B  B 


370        RECOLLECTIONS    OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1885 

espantoons  to  a  half  recover  and  come  to  the  right 
about  together  upon  a  flam  and  not  upon  the  ruffle, 
which  will  be  previous  to  it.'  [The  terms  are  meant 
for  certain  beats  on  the  drum.  The  espantoon  for 
officers  was  done  away  with  in  1786.] 

The  conditions  under  which  our  soldiers  serve  in 
the  present  day  as  compared  with  those  of  the  last 
century  are  certainly  of  a  much  improved  character, 
and  the  results  in  all  respects  are  very  satisfactory. 
They  are  better  paid,  clothed,  fed,  and  generally  cared 
for  than  in  the  days  gone  by.  During  my  residence 
at  Gibraltar,  I  obtained  permission  from  the  War 
Office  to  convert  some  old  store-houses  within  the  city 
into  reading  and  recreation  rooms  for  the  garrison, 
and  it  was  carried  out  on  a  considerable  scale.  The 
chief  room  was  capable  of  seating  1,200  persons ; 
and  every  week  a  free  smoking  concert  or  entertain- 
ment was  given,  open  to  all  soldiers,  their  wives,  and 
friends  ;  each  regiment  taking  its  turn  to  arrange  a 
programme.  Ladies  and  officers  were  sometimes 
kind  enough  to  take  part  in  the  concerts,  which  were 
always  crowded.  The  institution  also  contained  a 
library,  a  billiard  room,  and  was  provided  with 
games,  such  as  bagatelle,  chess,  draughts,  &c.  Tea, 
coffee,  and  non-intoxicating  drinks,  at  moderate  prices 
were  sold  all  day  at  a  buffet ;  and  after  sunset  until 
roll-call  a  bar  was  opened,  at  which  the  men  could 
get  glasses  of  beer,  &c. 


i88s  SIR   ROBERT   WILSON  371 

The  expenses  were  not  large,  and  the  financial 
results  were  satisfactory.  The  non-commissioned 
officers  and  men  of  the  garrison  only  paid  one  half- 
penny a  month  each,  and  were  then  free  to  use  the 
institution  every  day  during  their  leisure  hours ;  and 
to  attend  the  free  concerts  and  other  entertainments 
at  will.  Their  subscriptions,  added  to  contributions 
from  officers  and  to  the  profits  from  sale  of  beer  and 
refreshments,  &c.,  were  found  to  be  sufficient  for  the 
purpose.  The  furniture  and  gas  were  supplied  by 
Government.  During  the  period  of  my  command 
there  was  not  a  single  case  of  disturbance  or  trouble 
of  any  kind  ;  and  in  my  opinion  such  institutions  are 
excellent  in  every  way,  not  only  as  places  of  innocent 
recreation,  but,  especially  in  a  place  like  Gibraltar,  as 
tending  to  draw  the  men  away  from  the  numerous 
wine-shops  in  the  lower  parts  of  the  town.  I  may 
add  that  during  the  visits  of  the  Channel  fleet  the 
seamen  and  marines  were  invited  to  make  free  use  of 
the  rooms,  and  did  so  in  considerable  numbers  : '  the 
institution  thus  contributing  to  promote  that  friendly 
association  between  the  men  of  the  two  services 
which  is  so  desirable  from  every  point  of  view. 

A  somewhat  singular  story  is  told  of  General 
Sir  Eobert  Wilson  on  his  arrival  as  Governor  of 
Gibraltar  in  1843.  It  may  be  premised  that  Sir 
Robert's  services  in  the  army  had  been  of  a  very  dis- 
tinguished character.  Born  in  1777,  he  was  appointed 

B  B  2 


372         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY    LIFE         1885 

a  cornet  of  dragoons  in  1794,  and  saw  active  service 
in  Flanders  and  in  Holland,  and  then  in  Egypt  in 
1801.  In  1802  he  became  a  Lieutenant  Colonel  and 
went  to  Brazil,  and  was  also  at  the  capture  of  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope  in  1806.  In  subsequent  years 
he  served  in  Poland,  and  also  in  Portugal  and  Spain 
during  the  Peninsular  war.  He  was  with  the 
Eussians  in  the  campaign  of  1812,  and  with  the 
allied  armies  on  the  Continent  up  to  1814.  From 
1818  to  1830  he  was  Member  of  Parliament  for 
Southwark.  In  September  1821,  however,  he  was 
dismissed  from  the  service  by  King  George  IV. 
on  account  of  his  participation  in  the  London  riots 
which  occurred  on  the  death  of  Queen  Caroline. 
On  the  accession  of  William  IV,  in  1830,  he  was 
restored  to  his  rank  in  the  army,  and  in  1843, 
was  appointed  Governor  of  Gibraltar,  in  succession 
to  Sir  Alexander  Woodford.  It  is  related  that  on 
his  arrival  he  inquired  of  Sir  Alexander  if .  he 
remembered  the  last  occasion  on  which  they  had 
met  ?  Woodford's  reply  was  that  so  many  years  had 
elapsed  that  he  was  unable  to  recall  the  exact  time 
or  incident.  Sir  Eobert  Wilson  then  said  :  '  The  last 
time  we  met  was  in  1821,  when  you  were  at  the  head 
of  the  Guards  and  I  was  with  the  mob,  and  you  were 
driving  us  through  the  streets  of  London  ! '  It  is  not 
often,  perhaps,  that  two  general  officers  meet  on  two 
-occasions  under  such  very  different  circumstances. 


ZOBEHR    PASHA 


1885  THE   SOUDAN  373 

In  March  1885  Zobehr  Pasha,  accompanied  by 
two  sons,  an  interpreter,  and  several  servants,  arrived 
at  Gibraltar  from  Egypt  as  a  state  prisoner  by  order 
of  the  British  Government,  and  he  was  detained  there 
during  the  remainder  of  my  period  of  office.  I  had 
many  conversations  with  him  on  the  subject  of  the 
Soudan,  and  found  him  to  be  a  man  of  considerable 
ability ;  and,  although  cautious  in  the  expression  of 
his  views  on  Egyptian  affairs,  I  gathered  from  him 
that  the  people  of  the  Soudan  specially  detested  the 
rule  of  the  Egyptian  Pashas,  and  that  the  cause  of 
their  hostility  to  us  arose  solely  from  a  belief  that 
in  sending  an  expedition  up  the  Nile  to  Khartoum  in 
1884,  our  object  was  to  reinstate  the  rule  of  Egypt 
in  that  country. 

Without  entering  at  any  length  into  this  much 
discussed  question,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that 
until  conquered  in  1821  by  the  late  Mohammed  Ali 
the  Soudan  was  entirely  independent  of  Egypt,  and 
separated  from  it  by  a  great  desert.  Colonel  Charles 
Gordon  wrote  :  '  From  Wady  Haifa  southwards  to 
Hannek,  a  distance  of  180  miles.,  an  utter  desert 
extends,  spreading  also  for  miles  eastwards  and 
westwards,  on  both  sides  of  the  Nile.  ...  It  was 
this  boundary  that  kept  the  warlike  and  independent 
tribes  of  the  Soudan  quite  apart  from  the  inhabitants 
of  Egypt  proper,  and  made  the  Soudanese  and  the 
Egyptians  two  distinct  peoples  that  have  not  the 


374         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1885 

least  sympathy  one  with  the  other.'  Of  the 
result  of  Egyptian  rule,  the  late  Sir  Samuel  Baker, 
writing  in  1864,  drew  a  melancholy  picture.  He 
described  the  provinces  as  utterly  ruined  and  only 
governed  by  military  force,  the  revenue  unequal  to 
the  expenditure,  and  the  country  paralysed  by 
taxation ;  shut  in  by  deserts,  all  communication  with 
the  outer  world  was  most  difficult,  and  the  existing 
conditions  rendered  these  countries  so  worthless  to 
the  State  that  their  annexation  could  only  be 
accounted  for  by  the  fruits  of  the  slave  trade. 
Zobehr  Pasha's  opinion  as  expressed  to  me  was,  that 
if  the  people  of  the  Soudan  were  assured  that  no 
attempt  would  be  made  to  restore  the  authority  of 
Egypt,  their  hostility  would  cease,  and  they  would 
be  anxious  to  open  their  country  to  trade.  Speaking 
generally,  it  appeared  to  me  that  his  views  were 
sound,  and  that  if  we  were  to  proclaim  a  policy  of 
peace  at  Souakim,  combined  possibly  with  some 
annual  payment  to  the  neighbouring  chiefs,  the  road 
to  Berber  and  Khartoum  would  soon  re-open  and 
commerce  be  renewed.  At  all  events  I  cannot  see 
that  it  is  any  part  of  our  duty  to  assist  the  Egyptians 
to  reconquer  the  Soudan. 

Gibraltar,  like  many  another  ancient  fortress,  has 
undergone  frequent  changes  in  its  defences  from  time 
to  time,  owing  to  the  advances  in  military  science, 
and  to  the  constantly  increasing  power  of  modern 


i88s  AN    IMPREGNABLE   FORTRESS  375 

artillery.  These  changes  have  been  incessant  during 
the  present  century,  and  it  has  been  re-fortified  and 
re-armed  over  and  over  again.  It  is  said  that  many 
years  ago  the  Inspector  General  of  Fortifications 
of  the  day,  desirous  of  bringing  it  up  to  date, 
recommended  an  extra  expenditure  of  100,000/., 
and  had  an  interview  with  the  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  his  consent. 
He  explained  to  the  Chancellor  the  steep  and  iso- 
lated nature  of  the  rock,  and,  after  giving  him  a 
graphic  account  of  its  numerous  sieges,  asked  his 
opinion.  The  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer's  reply 
was  discouraging,  and  he  said  that,  from  the 
lucid  and  interesting  description  of  the  Inspector 
General,  it  appeared  to  him  that  Gibraltar  would  be 
perfectly  impregnable  if  the  military  authorities 
would  only  leave  it  alone.  The  money,  however, 
wras  ultimately  granted,  and  I  only  mention  it  as  an 
example  of  the  different  conclusions  which  financial 
and  military  authorities  may  arrive  at  from  a  con- 
sideration of  the  same  facts.  The  one  was  evidently 
thinking  of  bastions  and  the  other  of  budgets. 

Gibraltar  has  a  population  of  about  twenty-four 
thousand  persons,  of  which  between  four  and  five 
thousand  are  military,  and  as  it  is  said  to  be  one  of 
the  most  thickly  inhabited  places  in  the  world 1  its 
sanitary  condition  is  a  matter  not  only  of  importance, 

1   Colonial  Office  Book,  1894. 


376         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1885 

but  under  the  circumstances  one  of  some  difficulty. 
In  the  early  part  of  the  century  it  was  frequently 
visited  by  severe  epidemics  of  fever,  and  more 
recently  by  serious  attacks  of  cholera.  Of  late 
years,  however,  its  sanitation  has  been  under  the 
careful  supervision  of  a  Sanitary  Commission,  which 
during  my  period  of  office  consisted  of  twelve 
members,  four  official,  and  eight  civilians  selected 
from  the  grand  jury  list,  and  all  unpaid.  They  had 
charge  of  the  drainage,  water,  gas,  and  general 
improvements  of  the  city ;  and,  under  the  authority 
of  the  Governor,  levied  an  annual  rate  on  the  inhabi- 
tants to  meet  the  necessary  expenditure.  It  is  evi- 
dent that  their  duties  were  arduous  and  responsible. 
The  Sanitary  Commission  may  be  said  to  be  the  only 
form  of  representation  given  to  the  people,  and  it  is 
one  which  should  be  carefully  preserved.  However 
necessary  it  may  be  that  the  governor  of  a  city, 
such  as  Gibraltar,  enclosed  within  a  fortress  should 
have  full  power  and  authority,  still  it  must  be  an 
advantage  to  him  and  to  the  public  service  that  in 
a  matter  of  vital  interest  to  the  people,  in  which  also 
their  local  knowledge  can  be  utilised,  they  should  be 
consulted  and  associated  with  the  Government.  I 
may  go  farther  and  record  my  opinion  that  at 
Gibraltar,  as  elsewhere,  it  is  desirable  that  represen- 
tatives of  the  people  should  be  freely  consulted,  not 
only  in  regard  to  sanitation,  but  also  in  commercial 


i88s          SANITARY    CONDITION   OF   GIBRALTAR         377 

and  other  matters  ;  and  during  my  residence  there  I 
derived  much  assistance  from  their  knowledge  and 
friendly  co-operation. 

The  results  of  the  care  bestowed,  for  many 
years  past,  on  the  sanitary  arrangements  at  Gib- 
raltar have  been  very  satisfactory.  Not  only  is  its 
condition  far  better  than  that  of  the  neighbouring 
towns  of  Spain,  but  it  is  now  one  of  the  healthiest 
stations  of  the  British  army  at  home  or  abroad,  as 
the^following  statistics  will  prove. 

Annual  death  rate  per  thousand  of  the  troops  at 
various  stations  at  home  and  abroad,  on  the  average 
often  years  from  1882  to  1891— 1 


United  Kingdom  .  .  5'73 
Gibraltar  ....  6'03 
Malta  ....  8-18 
Egypt2  ...  .  .  23-78 


Bermuda  ....  lO'll 
Ceylon  ....  12-38 
India  .  14-78 


A  striking  proof  of  the  excellent  sanitary  con- 
dition of  the  city  was  afforded  in  1885,  when  the 
greater  part  of  Spain  was  visited  by  a  severe  attack 
of  cholera,  which  gradually  spread  southwards ;  and 
early  in  August  several  cases  suddenly  occurred  both 
in  Gibraltar  and  in  the  neighbouring  town  of  Linea. 
Bearing  in  mind  the  crowded  population,  the  matter 
was  very  serious,  and  certain  additional  precautions 
were  at  once  taken  in  order  as  far  as  possible  to 
mitigate  the  severity  of  the  attack.  One  difficulty 

1  Army  Medical  Department  Report,  1892. 

2  Average  of  nine  years. 


378         RECOLLECTIONS   OF   A   MILITARY   LIFE         1885 

which  has  always  existed  more  or  less  is  that  of 
good  drinking  water.  The  chief  supply  is  obtained 
from  rain  water,  collected  from  the  surface  of  the 
rock  during  the  wet  season,  and  stored  in  large 
reservoirs  above  the  town.  A  considerable  quantity 
is  also  pumped  up  from  shallow  wells  on  the 
north  front,  but  although  available  for  flushing, 
washing,  &c.,  it  is  brackish  and  unfit  for  drinking. 
As  a  consequence  of  this  scarcity,  there  always  has 
been  a  considerable  trade  in  water  brought  from  Spain 
in  barrels  and  sold  in  the  streets ;  but  as  on  analysis 
it  was  found  to  be  very  impure,  its  introduction  on 
the  appearance  of  cholera  was  stopped.  Fortunately, 
my  predecessor,  Lord  Napier  of  Magdala,  with  a 
view  to  the  possible  requirements  of  a  state  of  siege, 
had  commenced  in  1882  the  erection  of  works  for 
distilling  sea  water  in  large  quantities  ;  and,  as  they 
were  just  completed,  they  were  put  into  operation, 
and  for  some  weeks  about  8,000  gallons  a  day  were 
distilled  and  sold  to  all  comers  at  the  rate  of  six 
gallons  for  a  penny.  A  medical  authority,  speaking 
not  long  since,  said  that  '  cholera  is  an  exclusively 
water-carried  disease,  and  all  European  countries  may 
be  rendered  impervious  to  its  attacks  by  close  atten- 
tion to  the  purity  of  water.'  That,  I  may  say,  was  the 
view  of  my  medical  advisers  at  Gibraltar  at  the  time, 
and  I  attribute  our  escape  from  a  severe  attack  very 
much  to  this  supply  of  pure  water  to  the  inhabitants. 


1886  ATTACK   OF  CHOLERA  379 

Another  precaution  taken  was  the  establishment 
of  a  camp  just  outside  the  fortress  for  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  houses  attacked,  Indian  experience  has 
proved  that  it  is  very  advantageous  to  regiments 
when  visited  by  cholera  to  move  them  out  of  their 
barracks  and  place  them  under  canvas  on  fresh 
ground.  The  cases  at  Gibraltar  nearly  all  occurred 
among  the  poorer  inhabitants  living  in  very  crowded 
dwellings  ;  and  the  families  attacked  being  at  once 
senf  to  the  camp  and  supplied  with  pure  water,  the 
disease  was  immediately  checked.  Their  houses 
were  temporarily  closed,  the  drains  disinfected, 
cisterns  emptied,  and  rags  and  rubbish  burnt ;  and 
in  the  course  of  a  few  days  they  returned  home,  and 
the  cholera,  so  far  as  they  were  concerned,  was  at  an 
end. 

The  epidemic  at  Gibraltar  lasted  for  about  two 
months,  and  great  misery  resulted  amongst  the 
poorer  classes,  owing  to  the  city  being  placed 
in  quarantine  by  the  other  ports  of  Europe.  As 
a  consequence  very  few  vessels  called,  and  large 
numbers  of  the  inhabitants  were  out  of  employment. 
So  great  was  the  poverty  that  public  soup  kitchens 
were  established,  and  for  some  time  about  2,000 
persons  a  day  received  free  rations  of  soup  and 
bread.  In  the  meantime  the  disease  was  raging  at 
Linea  and  other  neighbouring  towns,  and,  consider- 
able alarm  being  felt,  I  was  constantly  urged  to 


780         RECOLLECTIONS    OF   A  MILITARY   LIFE         1885 

*J 

establish  a  cordon  of  troops  across  the  neutral 
ground,  and  to  prevent  all  communication  from  the 
outside.  But  although  the  precise  causes  of  cholera 
may  be  somewhat  obscure,  it  appeared  to  me  that, 
as  the  chief  supplies  of  food  came  from  Spain,  had  a 
cordon  been  established,  prices  would  have  risen  at 
once,  and  the  misery  already  existing  would  have 
been  considerably  increased.  All  Indian  experience 
proves  that  such  arrangements  are  useless.  In  fact, 
a  line  of  sentries  cannot  stop  the  march  of  a  disease ; 
and  therefore,  advised  by  experienced  medical 
officers  who  had  served  in  the  East,  I  refused  to  close 
the  communications  with  Spain. 

The  actual  cases  of  cholera  at  Gibraltar  and  at 
Linea  respectively  in  the  autumn  of  1885  were  as 
follows  : 


- 

Population, 
Approximate 

Number  of  cases  of 
cholera 

Kumber  of  deaths 

Gibraltar 
Linea 

24,000 
12,000 

32 
429 

24 
206  1 

So  that  whilst  in  Gibraltar  one  person  in  750  was 
attacked,  in  Linea  it  was  one  in  28.  These  facts 
speak  for  themselves,  and  prove  that  adequate 
sanitary  measures  and  precautions  will  to  a  great 
extent  serve  to  prevent  the  spread  of  epidemic 
disease. 

Before    leaving   this   subject,   I   would    mention 

1  These  figures  were  given  me  by  the  Spanish  authorities. 


1885  CONCLUSION  381 

that  at  the  end  of  1885  a  numerous  committee  of 
distinguished  members  of  the  medical  profession, 
including  amongst  others,  Sir  William  Jenner,  Sir 
William  Gull,  and  Sir  Joseph  Fayrer,  conducted  an 
inquiry  into  the  subject  of  Asiatic  cholera,  and  at  the 
end  of  their  report  they  state  as  follows :  '  The 
Committee  feel  that  they  ought  not  to  separate  with- 
out expressing  their  conviction  that  sanitary  measures 
in  their  true  sense,  and  sanitary  measures  alone,  are 
the^only  trustworthy  means  to  prevent  outbreaks  of 
the  disease,  and  to  restrain  its  spread  and  mitigate 
its  severity  when  it  is  prevalent.  Experience  in 
Europe  and  in  the  East  has  shown  that  sanitary 
cordons  and  quarantine  restrictions  (under  whatso- 
ever form)  are  not  only  useless  as  means  for 
arresting  the  progress  of  cholera,  but  positively 
injurious ;  and  this  not  merely  because  of  the  many 
unavoidable  hardships  which  their  enforcement 
involves,  but  also  because  they  tend  to  create  alarm 
during  periods  of  epidemics  of  the  disease  and  to 
divert  public  attention  at  other  times  from  the 
necessity  which  constantly  exists  for  the  prosecution 
of  sanitary  measures  of  assured  value — measures 
which,  moreover,  tend  to  mitigate  the  incidence  of 
all  forms  of  disease.' 

The  story  of  my  '  Eecollections  '  now  draws  to  a 
close.  Whatever  vicissitudes  or  occasional  hardships 
I  may  have  experienced  during  my  long  service  in 


382         RECOLLECTIONS   OF  A   MILITARY   LIFE         1886 

various  parts  of  the  world,  I  was  in  great  measure 
free  from  them  during  the  period  of  my  government 
of  Gibraltar.  There  were,  of  course,  numerous 
duties,  and  sometimes  anxieties,  connected  with  its 
administration,  but  these  were  rendered  compara- 
tively easy  by  the  warm  support  of  all  classes  which 
was  so  heartily  given  during  the  four  years  of  my 
residence  amongst  them.  They  are  a  loyal  people, 
and  were  most  grateful  for  any  efforts  of  mine  to 
promote  their  welfare.  The  conduct  of  the  troops 
in  garrison  throughout  was  excellent,  and  a  friendly 
spirit  prevailed  at  all  times  between  the  civil  and 
military  population.  I  left  Gibraltar  with  much 
regret,  feeling  deeply  the  kindness  shown  to  my 
family  and  myself  by  the  inhabitants  who  came  to 
bid  us  farewell  on  our  embarkation  for  England  in 
November  1886. 

I  hope  that  the  narrative  which  I  have  given 
of  the  campaigns  in  which  I  bore  a  small  part,  and 
the  views  which  I  have  expressed  on  military  and 
political  matters,  may  be  of  some  interest  to  the 
public  generally.  It  will  always  be  a  gratification 
to  me  that  throughout  my  career  I  have  been  so 
closely  associated  with  the  officers  and  men  of  the 
Eoyal  Artillery,  a  corps  in  which  members  of 
my  family  have  served  in  uninterrupted  succession 
from  1762  down  to  the  present  day. 


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